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RESPONSE OF

JUDGE BATES. ST. LOUIS, March 17, 1860. To Messrs. P. L. Foy, Editor of The Missouri Democrat; Dr. BERNAYS, Editor of the Anzeiger; and other gentlemen : SIRS: B. Gratz Brown, Esq., as President of the Missouri State Convention, which sat in St. Louis on the tenth of this month, has officially made known to me the proceedings of that body, and by them I am enabled to know some of you as Delegates to the Chicago Convention, representing the Republican party of Missouri.

I have received your letter propounding to me certain questions (seven in number) which you suppose will cover most, if not all, the grounds of controversy, in the approaching Presidential election.

With pleasure I will answer your questions. But before doing so, allow me to glance at the peculiar circumstances in which I am placed, and the strangeness of the fact that I, a mere private man, am called upon to make avowals and explanations, with any view to take me from the shades of private life and place me at the head of the nation. I came to this frontier in my youth, and settled in St. Louis when it was a village. All my manhood has been spent in Missouri, and during all that time I have followed a profession which left my character and conduct open to the observation of society. And while it has been my constant habit freely to express my opinion of public measures and public men, the people of Missouri, of all parties, will bear me witness that I of Missouri, of all parties, will bear me witness that I have never obtrusively thrust myself forward in pursuit of official honors. I have held no political office, and sought none, for more than twenty-five years.

The Territories, whether acquired by conquest of peaceable purchase, are subject and subordinate; not sovereign like the States. The nation is supreme over them, and the National Government has power to permit or forbid Slavery, within them. Entertaining these views, I am opposed to the extension of Slavery, and in my opinion, the spirit and policy of the Government ought to be against its extension.

2. Does the Constitution carry Slavery into the Territories! I answer no. The Constitution of the United States does not carry Slavery into the Territories. With much more show of reason may it be said that it carries Elavery into all the S ates. into all the S ates. But it does not carry Slavery anywhere. It only acts upon it, where it finds it established by the local law.

In connection with this point, I am asked to state my views of the Dred Scott case, and what was really determined by the Supreme Court in that case. It is my opinion, carefully considered, that the Court determined one single point of law only, that is, that Scott, the plaintiff, being a negro of African descent (not necessarily a slave), could not be a citizen of Missouri, and therefore could not sue in the Federal Court; and that for this reason, and this alone, the Circuit Court had no jurisdiction of the cause, and no power to give judgment between the parties. The only jurisdiction which the Supreme Court had of the cause was for the purpose of correcting the error of the Circuit Court, in assuming the power to decide upon the merits of the case. This power the Supreme Court did exercise, by setting aside the judgment of the Circuit Court upon the merits, and by dismissing the suit, without any judgment for or against either party. This is all that the Supreme Court did, and all that it had lawful power

to do.

Under these circumstances, I confess the gratification which I feel in receiving the recent manifestations of the respect and confidence of my fellow-citizens. First, the Opposition members of the Missouri Legislature declared I consider it a great public misfortune that several of their preference for me as a candidate; then followed the learned judges should have thought that their duty my nomination by a Convention composed of all the ele- required them to discuss and give opinions upon various ments of the Opposition in this State; and, now, the Re-questions outside of the case, as the case was actually publicans of Missouri, in their separate Convention, just disposed of by the court. All such opinions are extra held in St. Louis, have reaffirmed the nomination, and judicial and of no authority. But beside this, it appears proposed, by their delegates, to present me to the Na- to me that several of the questions so discussed by the tional Convention, soon to be held at Chicago, as a can-judges are political questions, and therefore beyond the didate for the first office in the nation. These various cognizance of the judiciary, and proper only to be considemonstrations in my own State are doubly gratifying to dered and disposed of by the political departments. If I me, because they afford the strongest proof that my am right in this, and it seems to me plain, the precedent name has been put forward only in a spirit of harmony is most unfortunate, because it may lead to a dangerous and peace, and with the hope of preventing all division conflict of authority among the coordinate branches of and controversy among those who, for their own safety the Government. and the public good, ought to be united in their action. For all this I am deeply grateful, and, as far as concerns me personally, I must declare in simple truth, that if the movement go no further and produce no national results, still I am paid and overpaid for a life of labor, and for whatever of zealous effort and patient watching I have been able to bestow in support of a line of governmental policy which I believe to be for the present and permanent good of the country.

3. As to the colonization of the free blacks.

For many years I have been connected with the American Colonization Society, of which the rising young State of Liberia is the first fruit. I consider the object both humane and wise, beneficent alike to the free blacks who emigrate, and to the whites whom they leave behind. But Africa is distant, and presents so many obstacles to rapid settlement, that we cannot indulge the hope of draining

population. The tropical regions of America, I think, offer a far better prospect both for us and for them.

And now, gentlemen, I proceed to answer your ques-off in that direction the growing numbers of our free black tions, briefly indeed, but fully, plainly, and with all possible frankness. And I do this the more willingly because I have received from individuals many letters (too many to be separately answered), and have seen in many public journals articles making urgent calls upon me for such a statement of views.

1. Slavery-Its extension in the Territories. On this subject, in the States and in the Territories, I have no new opinions-no opinions formed in relasion to the present array of parties. I am coeval with the Missouri question of 1819-20, having begun my political life in the midst of that struggle. At that time my position required me to seek all the means of knowledge within my reach, and to study the principles involved with all the powers of my mind; and I arrived at conclusions then which no subsequent events have induced me to change. The existence of negro Slavery in our country had its beginning in the early time of the Colonies, and was imposed by the mother country against the will of most of the colonists. At the time of the Revolution, and long after, it was commonly regarded as an evil, temporary in its nature, and likely to disappear in the course of time, yet, while it continued, a misfortune to the country, socially and politically.

Thus was I taught, by those who made our Government, and neither the new light of modern civilization, nor the discovery of a new system of constitutional law and social philosophy, has enabled me to detect the error of their teaching.

Slavery is "a social relation "-a domestic institution. Within the States, it exists by the local law, and the Federal Government has no control over it there.

4. As to any inequality of rights among American citizens I recognize no distinctions among American citizens bu such as are expressly laid down in the Constitution. Ant I hold that our Government is bound to protect all the citizens in the enjoyment of all their rights, everywhere and against all assailants. And as to all these rights. there is no difference between citizens born and citizens made such by law.

5. Am I in favor of the construction of a railroad from the Valley of the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean, under the aus pices of the General Government?

Yes, strongly. I not only believe such a road of vast importance as the means of increasing the population, wealth and power of this great valley, but necessary as the means of national defence, and of preserving the integrity of the Union.

6. Am I in favor of the measure called the Homestead bill? Yes; I am for guarding the public lands, as well as possible, from the danger of becoming the subject of common trade and speculation-for keeping them for the actual use of the people-and for granting tracts of suitable size to those who will actually inhabit and improve them.

7. Am I in favor of the immediate admission of Kansas

under the Wyandot Constitution?

I think that Kansas ought to be admitted without delay, leaving her, like all the other States, the sole judge of her own Constitution.

Thus, gentlemen, I believe I have answered all you inquiries in a plain, intelligible manner, and, I hope, tɩ

your satisfaction. I have not attempted to support my
answers by argument, for that could not be done in a
short letter; and, restraining myself from going into
general politics, I have confined my remarks to the
particular subjects upon which you requested me to
write.
Your obliged fellow-citizen,
EDWARD BATES.

JUDGE BATES'S LETTER

IN SUPPORT OF LINCOLN.

ST. LOUIS, June 11, 1860.

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corrupted itself and perverted the principles of the Givernment; has set itself openly against the great home interests of the people, by neglecting to protect their industry, and by refusing to improve and keep in order the highways and depots of commerce; and even now is urging a measure in Congress to abdicate the constitu tional power and duty to regulate commerce among the States, and to grant to the States the discretionary power to levy tonnage duties upon all our commerce, under the pretense of improving harbors, rivers, and lakes; has changed the status of the negro slave by making him no longer mere property, but a politician, an · antagonist power in the State, a power to which all other powers are required to yield, under penalty of a dissolution of the Union; has directed its energies to the gratiIfication of its lusts of foreign domain, as manifested in its persistent efforts to seize upon tropical regions, not because those countries and their incongruous people are necessary, or even desirable, to be incorporated into cur nation, but for the mere purpose of making Slave States, in order to advance the political power of the party in the Senate and in the choice of the President, so as effectually to transfer the chief powers of the Government from the many to the few; has in various instances endangered the equality of the coördinate branches of the Government, by urgent efforts to enlarge the powers of the Executive at the expense of the Legislative depart ment; has attempted to discredit and degrade the Judiciary, by affecting to make it, at first, the arbiter of party quarrels, to become soon and inevitably the passive registrar of a party decree.

O. H. BROWNING, Esq., Quincy, Ill.
DEAR SIR: When I received your letter of May 22d,
had no thought that the answer would be so long de-
layed; but, waiving all excuses, I proceed to answer
it now.

Under the circumstances of the case it ought not to have been doubted that I would give Mr. Lincoln's nomination a cordial and hearty support. But in declaring my intention to do so, it is due to myself to state some of the facts and reasons which have a controlling influence over my mind, and which I think ought to be persuasive arguments with some other men, whose political opinions and antecedents are, in some important particulars, like my own.

In most, if not all these particulars, I understand the Republican party (judging it by its acts and by the known opinions of many of its leading men) to be the exact opposite of the Democratic party; and that is the ground of my preference of the one party over the other. And that alone would be a sufficient reason, if I had no other good reasons, for supporting Mr. Lincoln against any man who may be put forward by the Democratic party, as the exponent of its principles and the agent to work out, in practice, its dangerous policies.

There was no good ground for supposing that I felt any pique or dissatisfaction because the Chicago Convention failed to nominate me. I had no such feeling. On party grounds, I had no right to expect the nomination. I had no claims upon the Republicans as a party, for I have never been a member of any party, so as to be bound by its dogmas, and subject to its discipline, except only the Whig party, which is now broken up, and its materials, for the most part, absorbed in other organizations. And thus I am left, alone and powerless, indeed, but perfectly free to follow the dictates of my own judgment, and to take such part in current politics as my own sense of duty and patriotism may require. Many Republicans, and among them, I think, some of the most moderate and patriotic of that party, honored me with their confidence and desired to make me their candidate. For this favor I was indebted to the fact that between them and me there was a coincidence of opin-years ago I served with them both in Congress, and from ion upon certain important questions of government. They and I agreed in believing that the National Government has sovereign power over the Territories, and that it would be impolitic and unwise to use that power for the propagation of negro Slavery by planting it in Free Territory. Some of them believed also that my nomination, while it would ter soften the tone of the Republican party, without any abandonment of its principles, might tend also to generalize its character and attract the friendship and support of many, especially in the border States, who, like me, had never been members of their party, but concurred with them in opinion about the government of the Territories. These are the grounds, and I think the only grounds, upon which I was supported at all at Chicago.

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The third party, which, by its formation, has destroyed the organization of the American and Whig parties, has nominated two most excellent men. I know them well, as sound statesmen and true patriots. More than thirty that time to this I have always held them in respect and honor. But what can the third party do toward the elec tion of even such worthy men as these against the two great parties which are now in actual contest for the power to rule the nation? It is made up entirely of portions of the disintegrated elements of the late Whig and American parties-good materials, in the main, I admit, but quite too weak to elect any man or establish any principle. The most it can do is, here and there in par ticular localities, to make a diversion in favor of the Democrats. In 1856, the Whig and American parties (not forming a new party, but united as allies), with entire unanimity and some zeal, supported Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency, and with what results? We made a miserable failure, carrying no State but gallant little Maryland. And, surely, the united Whigs and Americans of that day had a far greater show of strength and far better prospects of success than any which belong to the Constitutional Union party now. In fact, I see no possiblity of success for the third party, except in one contingency-the Destruction of the Democratic party. That is a contigency not likely to happen this year, for, badly as I think of many of the acts and policies of that party, its cup is not yet full-the day has not yet come when it must dissolve in its own corruptions. But the day is coming, and is not far off. The party has made itself entirely sectional; it has concentrated its very being into one single idea; negro Slavery has control of all faculties, and it can see and hear nothing else—“ one stern, tyrannic thought, that makes all other thoughts its slaves!"

As to the platform put forth by the Chicago Convention, I have little to say, because, whether good or bad, that will not constitute the ground of my support of Mr. Lincoln. I have no great respect for party platforms in general. They are commonly made in times of high excitement, under a pressure of circumstances, and with the view to conciliate present support, rather than to establish a permanent system of principles and line of policy for the future good government of country. The Conventions which form them are transient in their nature; their power and influence are consumed in the using, leaving no continuing obligation upon their respective parties. And hence we need not wonder, that platforms so made are hardly ever acted upon in prac-its tice. I shall not discuss their relative merits, but content myself with saying that this Republican platform, though in several particulars it does not conform to my views, is still far better than any published creed, past or present, of the Democrats. And as to the new party, it has not chosen to promulgate any platform at all, except two or three broad generalities which are common to the professions of faith of all parties in the country. No party, indeed, dare ask the confidence of the nation, while openly denying the obligation to support the Union and the Constitution and to enforce the laws. That is a common duty, binding upon every citizen, and the failure to perform it is a crime.

To me it is plain that the approaching contest must be between the Democratic and the Republican parties; and, between them, I prefer the latter.

The Democratic party, by the long possession and abuse of power, has grown wanton and reckless; has

But the Democratic party still lives, and while it lives, it and the Republican party are the only real antagonistic powers in the nation, and for the present, I must choose between them. I choose the latter, as wiser, purer, younger and less corrupted by time and self-indulgence.

The candidates nominated at Chicago are both men who, as individuals and politicians, rank with the foremost of the country. I have heard no objection to Mr. Hamlin personally, but only to his geographical position, which is thought to be too far North and East to allow his personal good qualities to exercise their proper influence over the nation at large. But the nomination for the Presidency is the great controlling act. Mr. Lincoln, his character, talents, opinions and history will be criticised by thou sands, while the candidate for the Vice-Presidency will be passed over in comparative silence.

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holding them up to the public as the leading doctrines
of the person assailed, and drawing from them their own
uncharitable inferences. That line of attack betrays a
little mind conscious of its weakness, for the falsity of its
logic is not more apparent than the injustice of its de-
signs. No public man can stand that ordeal, and, how-
ever willing men may be to see it applied to their adver-
saries, all flinch from the torture when applied to them-
selves. In fact, the man who never said a foolish thing,
will hardly be able to prove that he ever said many wise
ones.

Mr. Lincoln's nomination took the public by surprise,
because, until just before the event, it was unexpected.
But really it ought not to have excited any surprise, for
such unforeseen nominations are common in our political
history. Polk and Pierce, by the Democrats, and Harri-
son and Taylor, by the Whigs, were all nominated in this
extemporaneous manner-all of them were elected. I
have known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years, and
therefore have a right to speak of him with some confi-
dence. As an individual, he has earned a high reputation
for truth, courage, candor, morals, and amiability; so that,
as a man, he is most trustworthy. And in this particular, I consider Mr. Lincoln a sound, safe, national man. He
he is more entitled to our esteem than some other men, his could not be sectional if he tried. His birth, education,
equals, who had far better opportunities and aids in early the habits of his life, and his geographical position, con-
life. His talents, and the will to use them to the best ad-pel him to be national. All his feelings and interest are
vantage, are unquestionable; and the proof is found in the identified with the great valley of the Mississippi, near
fact that, in every position in life, from his humble begin- whose centre he has spent his whole life. The valley is
ning to his present well-earned elevation, he has more than not a section, but, conspicuously, the body of the nation,
fulfilled the best hopes of his friends. And now, in the full and, large as it is, it is not capable of being divided into
vigor of his manhood, and in the honest pride of having sections, for the great river cannot be divided. It is one
made himself what he is, he is the peer of the first man of and indivisible, and the North and the South are alike
the nation, well able to sustain himself and advance his necessary to its comfort and prosperity. Its people, too,
cause, against any adversary, and in any field, where mind in all their interests and affections, are as broad and
and knowledge are the weapons used.
general as the regions they inhabit. They are emigrants,
a mixed multitude, coming from every State in the Union,
and from most countries in Europe; they are unwilling,
therefore, to submit to any one petty local standard.
They love the nation as a whole, and they love all its
parts, for they are bound to them all, not only by a feel-
ing of common interest and mutual dépendence, but also
by the recollections of childhood and youth, by blood and
friendship, and by all those social and domestic charities
which sweeten life, and make this world worth living in.
The valley is beginning to feel its power, and will soon be
strong enough to dictate the law of the land. Whenever
that state of things shall come to pass, it will be most
fortunate for the nation to find the powers of Government
lodged in the hands of men whose habits of thought,
whose position and surrounding circumstances, constrain
them to use those powers for general and not sectional
ends.

In politics he has but acted out the principle of his principle of his own moral and intellectual character. He has not concealed his thoughts nor hidden his light under a bushel. With the boldness of conscious rectitude and the frankness of downright honesty, he has not failed to avow his opinions of public affairs upon all fitting occasions.

This I know may subject him to the carping censure of that class of politicians who mistake cunning for wisdom and falsehood for ingenuity; but such men as Lincoln must act in keeping with their own characters, and hope for success only by advancing the truth prudently and maintaining it bravely. All his old political antecedents are, in my judgment, exactly right, being square up to the old Whig standard. And as to his views about "the pestilent negro question," I am not aware that he has gone one step beyond the doctrines publicly and habitually avowed by the great lights of the Whig party, Clay, Webster, and their fellows, and indeed sustained and carried out by the Democrats themselves, in their wiser and better days.

I give my opinion freely in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and I
hope that for the good of the whole country, he may be
elected. But it is not my intention to take any active
part in the canvass. For many years past, I have had
little to do with public affairs, and have aspired to no
political office; and now, in view of the mad excitement
which convulses the country, and the general disruption
and disorder of parties and the elements which compose
them, I am more than ever assured that for me, person-
ally, there is no political future, and I accept the condi
wis-ally,
tion with cheerful satisfaction. Still, I cannot discharge
myself from the life-long duty to watch the conduct of
men in power, and to resist, so far as a mere private man
may, the fearful progress of official corruption, which for
several years past has sadly marred and defiled the fair
fabric of our Government.

The following, I suppose, are in brief his opinions upon that subject: 1. Slavery is a domestic institution within the States which choose to have it, and it exists within those States beyond the control of Congress. 2. Congress has supreme legislative power over all the Territories, and may, at its discretion, allow or forbid the existence of Slavery within them. 3. Congress, in wisdom and sound policy, ought not so to exercise its power, directly or indirectly, as to plant and establish Slavery in any Territory theretofore free. 4. And that it is unwise and impolitic in the Government of the United States, to acquire tropical regions for the mere purpose of converting them into Slave States.

These, I believe, are Mr. Lincoln's opinions upon the matter of Slavery in the Territories, and I concur in them. They are no new inventions, made to suit the exigencies of the hour, but have come down to us, as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution have, sanctioned by the venerable authority of the wise and good men who established our institutions. They are conformable to law, principle and wise policy, and their utility is proven in practice by the as yet unbroken current of our political history. They will prevail, not only because they are right in themselves, but also because a great and still growing majority of the people believe them to be right; and the sooner they are allowed to prevail in peace and harmony, the better for all concerned, as well those who are against them as those who are for them.

I am aware that smalll partisans, in their little warfare against opposing leaders, do sometimes assail them by the trick of tearing from their contexts some particular objectionable phrases, penned, perhaps, in the hurry of composition, or spoken in the heat of oral debate, and

If Mr. Lincoln should be elected, coming in as a new
man at the head of a young party never before in power,
he may render a great service to his country, which no
Democrat could render. He can march straight forward
in the discharge of his high duties, guided only by his own
good judgment and honest purposes, without any necessity
to temporize with established abuses, to wink at the delin-
quencies of old party friends, or to unlearn and discard
the bad official habits that have grown up under the mis-
government of his Democratic predecessors. In short, he
can be an honest and bold reformer on easier and cheaper
terms than any Democratic President can be-for, in pro-
ceeding in the good work of cleansing and purifying the
administrative departments, he will have no occasion to
expose the vices, assail the interests, or thwart the ambi-
tion of his political friends.

Begging your pardon for the length of this letter, I
remain, with great respect, your friend and obedient
servant,
EDWARD BATES.

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THE MONROE DOCTRINE.

So much has been wildly said of what is termed the "Monroe Doctrine," in regard to the influence of European Powers on this continent, that we publish exactly what President Monroe said on the subject. We copy from the Seventh Annual Message of Mr. Monroe, dated December 2, 1823:

the United States. In the war between these new govern

and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their we could not view any interposition for the purpose of destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward ments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, "It was stated, at the commencement of the last session, which in the judgment of the competent authorities of this that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal Government, shall make a corresponding change on the to improve the condition of the people of those countries, part of the United States indispensable to their security. and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the re- is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof "The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe sult has been, so far, very different from what was then can be adduced than that the allied powers should have anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themwhich we have so much intercourse, and from which we selves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns derive our origin, we have always been anxious and in- of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be car| terested spectators. The citizens of the United States ried, on the same principle, is a question to which all cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty independent powers, whose governments differ from and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the theirs, are interested-even those most remote, and surely Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters none more so than the United States. Our policy in rerelating to themselves, we have never taken any part, gard to. Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced, that globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to With the movements in this hemisphere we are of neces- consider the Government, de facto, as the legitimate sity more immediately connected, and by causes which Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial obser- and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and vers. The political system of the allied powers is essen- manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of tially different in this respect from that of America. every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in This difference proceeds from that which exists in their regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently respective governments. And to the defense of our own, and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and allied powers should extend their political system to any treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most portion of either continent without endangering our enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, existing between the United States and those powers to that we should behold such interposition, in any form, declare, that we should consider any attempt on their with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength part to extend their system to any portion of this hemi- and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and sphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the their distance from each other, it must be obvious that existing colonies or dependencies of any European power she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the governments who have declared their independence, the hope that other powers will pursue the same course."

STATES AND STATESMEN ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

WISCONSIN FOR FREE SOIL.

THE following resolutions were adopted by the Wisconsin (Democratic) Legislature in 1848, with only three dissenting votes in the Senate and five in the House:

Whereas, Slavery is an evil of the first magnitude, morally and politically, and whatever may be the consequences, it is our duty to prohibit its extension in all cases where such prohibition is allowed by the Constitution: Therefore,

Resolved, By the Senate and Assembly of the State of Wisconsin, that the introduction of Slavery into this country is to be deeply deplored; that its extension ought to be prohibited by every constitutional barrier within the power of Congress; that in the admission of new territory into the Union, there ought to be an inhibitory provision against its introduction, unless clearly and unequivocally admitted by the Constitution-inasmuch as in all cases of doubtful construction, the Rights of Man and the cause of Liberty ought to prevail.

Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be, and they are hereby, instructed, and our Representatives are requested, to use their influence to insert into the organic act for the government of any new territory already acquired or hereafter to be acquired, that is now free, an

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Resolutions adopted by a Convention of the
Democratic party of Maine, in June, 1849:

variance with the theory of our government, abhorrent
Resolved, That the institution of human Slavery is at
to the common sentiments of mankind, and fraught with
danger to all who come within the sphere of its influence,
that the Federal Government possesses adequate power
to inhibit its existence in the Territories of the Union;
and that we enjoin upon our Senators and Representa-
tives in Congress to make every exertion and employ all
their influence to procure the passage of a law forever
New-Mexico.
excluding Slavery from the Territories of California and

DELAWARE FOR FREE TERRITORY.

The following preamble and resolution were ordinance forever prohibiting the introduction of adopted by the Legislature of Delaware in Slavery or involuntary servitude into said territory ex- 1847:

MR. WEBSTER AGAINST SLAVERY EXTENSION.

Whereas, A crisis has arrived in the public affairs of the Nation, which requires the free and full expression of the people through their legal representatives; and In the United States Senate, in Aug., 1848. Whereas, The United States is at war with the Republic Mr. Webster, in speaking on the bill to organize

of Mexico, occasioned by the Annexation of Texas, with

a view to the addition of Slave Territory to our country, the Territory of Oregon with a clause prohibit-
and the extending of Slave power in our Union; anding Slavery, said:
Whereas, In the opinion of the General Assembly, such

acquisitions are hostile to the spirit of our Free Institutions, and contrary to sound morality; therefore be it Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Delaware in General Assembly met, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress are hereby rquested to vote against the annexation of any Territory to our Union, which shall not thereafter be forever free from Slavery.

MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST SLAVERY.

The following resolution was passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts in 1847, in connection with others on the subject of the Mexi

can war.

Resolved, That our attention is directed anew to the wrong and ormity" of Slavery, and to the tyranny and usurpation of the "Slave Power," as displayed in the history of our country, particularly in the annexation of Texas, and the present war with Mexico, and that we are impressed with the unalterable condition, that a regard for the fair fame of our country, for the principle of morals, and for that righteousness that exalteth a nation, sanctions and requires all constitutional efforts for the destruction of the unjust influence of the Slave power, and for the abolition of Slavery within the limits of the

United States.

THE WHIGS OF MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST

SLAVERY.

Congress, in the exercise of a fair and just discretion, to The question now is, whether it is not competent te say that, considering that there have been five slaveholding States (Louisiana, Florida, Arkansas, Missouri and Texas) added to the Union out of foreign acquisi tions, and as yet only one Free State, whether, under this state of things, it is unreasonable and unjust in the slightest degree to limit their farther extensi? That is the question. I see no injustice in it. As to the power of Congress I have nothing to add to what I said the other day. I have said that I shall consent to no Ex tension of the area of Slavery on this Continent, nor any increase of Slave Representation in the other House of Congress.

MILLARD FILLMORE'S VIEWS.

His Buffalo Letter of 1838.

BUFFALO, Oct. 17, 1838.

SIR: Your communication of the 13th inst., as chairman of the committee appointed by "The Anti-Slavery Society of the County of Erie," has just come to hand. You solicit my answer to the following interrogatories:

1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress, on the subject of Slavery and the Slave-trade, ought to be received, read, and respectfully considered by the represen tatives of the people?

2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to this Union under any circumstances, so long as slaves are held therein?

3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the power it possesses to abolish the Internal Slave-trade between the States?

4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia? Answer.-I am much engaged, and have no time to

The Massachusetts State Convention, held at Springfield, in the latter part of the month of September, 1847, and at which Daniel Webster was nominated as a candidate for the Presidency, passed the following among other re-enter into argument, or explain at length my reasons for solutions:.

my opinions. I shall therefore content myself, for the present, by answering all your interrogatories in the affirResolved, That the war with Mexico-the predicted, if mative, and leave for some future occasion a more exnot the legitimate offspring, of the annexation of Texas-tended discussion on the subject. begun in a palpable violation of the Constitution, and I would, however, take this occasion to say, that in thus the usurpation of the powers of Congress by the Presi- frankly giving my opinion, I would not desire to have it dent, and carried on in reckless indifference and disregard understood in the nature of a pledge. At the same time of the blood and treasure of the Nation-can have no that I seek no disguise, bu freely give my sentiments on object which can be effected by the acquisition of Mexi- any subject of interest to those for whose suffrages I am a can territory, under the circumstance of the country-candidate, I am opposed to giving any pledge that shall unless under adequate securities for the protection of deprive me hereafter of all discretionary power. My own human liberty-can have no other probable result than character must be the guaranty for the general correctthe ultimate advancement of the sectional supremacy of ness of my legislative deportment. On every important the Slave Power. subject I am bound to deliberate before I act, and espe tion, and listen to every argument that can be adduced cially as a legislator, to possess myself of all the informa by my associates, before I give a final vote. If I stand pledged to a particular course of action, I cease to be a responsible agent, but I become a mere machine. Should subsequent events show, beyond all doubt, that the course Resolved, That if this course should be rejected and the I had become pledged to pursue was ruinous to my conwar shall be prosecuted to the final subjection or dismem-stituents and disgraceful to myself, I have no alternative, berment of Mexico, the Whigs of Massachusetts now de- no opportunity for repentance, and there is no power to clare, and put this declaration of purpose on record, that absolve me from my obligation. Hence the impropriety, Massachusetts will never consent that Mexican Territory, not to say absurdity, in my view, of giving a pledge. however acquired, shall become a part of the American Union, unless on the unalterable condition that "there shall be neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude therein, otherwise than in the punishment of crime.'

After recommending "Peace with Mexico, without dismemberment," and "No addition of Mexican Territories to the American Union," the Convention

Besolved, That in making this declaration of her purpose, Massachusetts announces no new principle of action in regard to her sister States, and makes no new application of principles already acknowledged. She merely states the great American principle embodied in our Declaration of Independence-the political equality of persons in the civil state; the principles adopted in the legislation of the States under the Confederation, and sometimes by the Constitution-in the admission of all the new States formed from the only Territory belonging to the Union at the adoption of the Constitution-it is, in short, the imperishable principle set forth in the ever memorable Ordinance of 1787, which has for more than half a century been the fundamental law of human liberty in the great valley of the Lakes, the Ohio, and the Mississippi, with what brilliant success, and with what | unparalleled results, let the great and growing States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, answer and declare.

I am aware that you have not asked my pledge, and i believe I know your sound judgment and good sense too well to think you desire any such thing. It was, however, to prevent any misrepresentation on the part of others, that I have felt it my duty thus much on this subject. I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

W. Mills, Esq., chairman.

MILLARD FILLMORE.

MR. FILLMORE'S ALBANY SPEECH OF 1856. The following is Mr. Fillmore's speech, delivered at Albany, in July, 1856:

Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens: This overwhelming demonstration of congratulation and welcome almost deprives me of the power of speech. Here, nearly thirty years ago, I commenced my political career. In this building I first saw a legislative body in session; but at that time it never, entered into the aspirations of my heart that I ever should receive such a welcome as this in the capital of my native State.

You have been pleased, sir, to allude to my former services and my probable course if I should again be

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