JUBILEE OF LIBERTY. Letter to the Young Men's Republican Union
of New York, November 10, 1864
MR. ASHLEY AND RECONSTRUCTION.
Letter to a Public Banquet in
Honor of Hon. James M. Ashley, at Toledo, Ohio, November 18,
1864.
Case of the Florida: ILLUSTRATED BY PRECEDENTS OF BRITISH
SEIZURES IN NEUTRAL WATERS. Articles in the Boston Daily
Advertiser, November 29, 1864, and January 17, 1865.
RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN: THE ST. ALBANS RAID. Speech
in the Senate, on a Bill for Fortifications and Batteries on the
Lakes, December 19, 1864
TERMINATION OF THE CANADIAN RECIPROCITY TREATY. Speeches
in the Senate, on the Joint Resolution giving Notice for the Ter-
mination of the Canadian Reciprocity Treaty, December 21, 1864,
January 11 and 12, 1865.
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MASSACRE OF THE CHEYENNE INDIANS. Remarks in the Senate, on
a Joint Resolution relating thereto, January 13, 1865
THE LATE HON. EDWARD EVERETT. Telegraphic Despatch to Joint
Committee of the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 16, 1865
TERMINATION OF TREATIES BY NOTICE. Remarks in the Senate, on
a Joint Resolution to terminate the Treaty of 1817 regulating the
Naval Force on the Lakes, January 18, 1865.
RETALIATION, AND TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR. Speeches
in the Senate, on a Joint Resolution advising Retaliation, January
24 and 29, 1865
SELF-SACRIFICE FOR THE COLORED RACE. EQUESTRIAN STATUE
OF COLONEL SHAW, FIRST COMMANDER OF MASSACHUSETTS
COLORED TROOPS. Article in the Boston Daily Advertiser, Oc-
tober 2, 1865.
THE LATE RICHARD COBDEN. Letter to Mrs. Cobden, covering Reso-
lutions of the Republican State Convention of Massachusetts, Oc-
tober 5, 1865 .
EQUAL RIGHTS TS. THE PRESIDENTIAL POLICY IN RECONSTRUCTION.
Letter to the New York Independent, October 29, 1865.
CLEMENCY AND COMMON SENSE. A CURIOSITY OF LITERATURE;
WITH A MORAL. Article in the Atlantic Monthly, December,
MAKE HASTE SLOWLY: IRREVERSIBLE
SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON THE RECOGNITION OF ARKANSAS, JUNE 13, 1864.
JUNE 10th, Mr. Lane, of Kansas, asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to bring in a joint resolution for the recognition of the Free State Government of the State of Arkansas, which was read, passed to a second reading, and ordered to be printed.
June 13th, he called it up for consideration, when Mr. Sumner made the following speech.
R. PRESIDENT, - I begin by expressing sympathy with every loyal soul in a Rebel State. Knowing well, from long experience, the cruel rule and domination of Slavery, even in this Chamber, I cannot be indifferent to the trials of loyalty anywhere in these latter days. Show me a man who in a Rebel State stands faithful to the national cause, and I go forth to meet him with heart in hand. To have been true at a time when truth was disowned is enough for honor as well as thanks. But the merits of individuals cannot determine the rights of States.
The case is too important. If individual merits, universally recognized, could save a State to present rights in the Union, Tennessee would not now be a self-condemned exile. There are few anywhere so entirely true. as Andrew Johnson, and not one in all the Rebel States
who so bravely encountered the Rebellion face to face. Ten men might have saved Sodom; but he was in himself more than ten men. Besides, he was a Senator on this floor, when the State he represented took its place in the Rebel Confederacy, and joined in war against the National Government; but he stayed behind with his country, and kept his seat here. Persons ignorant of Parliamentary Law have sometimes argued from the latter circumstance that Rebel Tennessee was still entitled to her ancient rights in the Union; but they forget two principles, fixed long ago, beyond all question, in England, the original home of Parliamentary Law: first, that the power once conferred by an election to Parliament is irrevocable, so that it is not affected by any subsequent change in the constituency; and, secondly, that a member, when once chosen, is member for the whole kingdom, becoming thereby, according to the words of an early author, not merely knight or burgess of the county or borough which elected him, but knight or burgess of England. If these two principles are not entirely discarded in our political system, then the seat of Andrew Johnson was not in any respect affected by the subsequent madness of his State, nor can the legality of his seat be any argument for the ancient rights of his State.
Nor, again, can the fact that Andrew Johnson has been selected by the Convention of a powerful political party as candidate for the Vice-Presidency be any argument for these ancient rights. It is not necessary that a candidate for President or Vice-President should be
1 Whitelocke, Notes upon the King's Writ for choosing Members of Parliament, Vol. II. p. 329 Cushing, Law and Practice of Legislative Assemblies, p. 284.
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