Southern Unionist Pamphlets and the Civil WarJon L. Wakelyn "During the Civil War, many southerners expressed serious opposition to secession and openly entreated their fellow southerners to maintain support for the Union. A number of these unionists actively opposed the Confederacy while remaining within its borders; others fled their homes and the South, becoming exiles in northern cities and the border slave states. The southern unionist leaders used their oral and written communication skills to proclaim their opposition to the Confederacy, often producing pamphlets that circulated in the North, in the border states, and in the heart of the Confederacy itself. Jon L. Wakelyn unites the voices of these southern unionists in the first comprehensive collection of their written arguments - Southern Unionist Pamphlets and the Civil War." "Students, scholars, and general readers alike will find this volume an invaluable resource for Civil War studies."--Jacket. |
From inside the book
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Page 11
... population growth and thus welcomed abolition. Drake, too, joined the demise of slavery with his fellow steadfast unionists' rise to power. With a free government, he concluded, the ex-slave states would never again be prey to tyrants ...
... population growth and thus welcomed abolition. Drake, too, joined the demise of slavery with his fellow steadfast unionists' rise to power. With a free government, he concluded, the ex-slave states would never again be prey to tyrants ...
Page 29
... suppose that these powerful States—this great and energetic population—will ever make a peace that shall put the lower course of this single and mighty natural outlet to the sea, in the hands of a ROBERT JEFFERSON BRECKINRIDGE 29.
... suppose that these powerful States—this great and energetic population—will ever make a peace that shall put the lower course of this single and mighty natural outlet to the sea, in the hands of a ROBERT JEFFERSON BRECKINRIDGE 29.
Page 36
... population of the whole ten may be stated, in round numbers, at about four millions, against twenty-four millions in the remaining twenty-four States. In fact, however, but for the treasonable conduct of the secession minorities in the ...
... population of the whole ten may be stated, in round numbers, at about four millions, against twenty-four millions in the remaining twenty-four States. In fact, however, but for the treasonable conduct of the secession minorities in the ...
Page 37
... population; and every one will judge for himself how far the leaving out of a few hundred thousand free negroes may be unjust to the stronger side, and the leaving out of some three millions of slaves, several hundred thousand free ...
... population; and every one will judge for himself how far the leaving out of a few hundred thousand free negroes may be unjust to the stronger side, and the leaving out of some three millions of slaves, several hundred thousand free ...
Page 38
... populations altogether — as neither a weakness nor a strength — there remain the abiding elements , face to face , twenty millions against four millions . It is certainly true , that no one can tell beforehand how a particular battle ...
... populations altogether — as neither a weakness nor a strength — there remain the abiding elements , face to face , twenty millions against four millions . It is certainly true , that no one can tell beforehand how a particular battle ...
Contents
7 | |
16 | |
56 | |
JOHN S CARLILE | 82 |
WILLIAM GANNAWAY BROWNLOW | 105 |
JOHN W WOOD | 120 |
DRAKE | 148 |
Morally Considered in Connection with Our Sectional Troubles | 170 |
ANDREW JACKSON HAMILTON | 238 |
Speech on the Restoration of State Government | 255 |
FRANCIS HARRISON PIERPONT | 273 |
JOSEPH E SEGAR | 304 |
JEREMIAH CLEMENS | 330 |
ANTHONY PAUL DOSTIE | 360 |
Comments on Southern Unionist Pamphlets Not Selected for Inclusion | 373 |
Index | 389 |
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Common terms and phrases
abolitionists Andrew Jackson Hamilton Andrew Johnson Anna Ella Carroll Arkansas arms army authority bill bill of attainder border slave Breckinridge Butler called cause citizens civil Confederate government confiscate Congress Constitution Convention cotton Crittenden Compromise Davis declared Democratic district dollars duty election Emancipation favor Federal government force friends Governor Henry Winter Davis House institution Jeremiah Clemens Johnson Kentucky labor leaders Legislature liberty Lincoln Louisiana loyal military Mississippi Missouri nation negro never Norfolk North Northern officers opinion Orleans party patriotism peace Pierpont political population President principle proclamation protection purpose question rebel rebellion Republican revolution Richmond seceded secession secessionists servants slaveholders slavery soldiers South Carolina Southern Confederacy southern unionists speech Tennessee Territories Texas thousand traitors treason Tyson U.S. Senate Union unionist pamphleteers United vote Washington West Virginia whole
Popular passages
Page 94 - If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time...
Page 105 - Congress, banishing all feelings of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged upon our part in any spirit of oppression nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution. and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired:...
Page 82 - ... the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies: the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home, and safety abroad...
Page 67 - That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively...
Page 106 - That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the southern States, now in revolt against the constitutional Government, and in arms around the capital ; that in this national emergency Congress, banishing all feelings of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country ; that this war is not waged on...
Page 190 - Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh him best : thou shalt not oppress him.
Page 82 - ... the vital principle of republics from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public...
Page 82 - ... a jealous care of the right of election by the people, — a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided...
Page 104 - I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no inclination to do so.
Page 75 - The constitution requires an adoption in toto and forever. It has been so adopted by the other states. An adoption for a limited time would be as defective as an adoption of some of the articles only. In short, any condition whatever must vitiate the ratification. The idea of reserving a right to withdraw was started at Richmond, and considered as a conditional ratification, which was itself abandoned as worse than a rejection.