means more to be regarded than mere diplomatic conversations and verbal objections."

By the law of nations the navigation of the North Sea and the Baltic Sea are free to all the nations in the world. The strait connecting them is not a canal owned on both sides by the one power; and even if it were, Wheaton says: "Even if such strait be bounded on both sides by the territory of the same sovereign, and is at the same time so narrow as to be commanded by cannon-shot from both shores, the exclusive jurisdiction of that sovereign over such strait is controlled by the right of other nations to communicate with the seas thus connected." The right of navigation in the Baltic is a nullity with a Danish sentinel at the Sound, a gun in one hand, and a poor-box in the other.

On the receipt of the President's Message (above quoted) in England, the London Times published an article from which we make the following extracts, which are sufficiently plain :

"This question of the Sound Duties has also of late been eagerly discussed by the merchants and manufacturers of Prussia-a country which has a still deeper interest in it than the United States.

"Our own country has more at stake in the question than either of the states we have named; and, indeed, than any other country. According to the Danish Budget for 1853-4, the Sound Duties produced in that year no less than 2,610,256 Rix dollars banco. Add to this the additional sum of 500,000 levied on clearances, pilotage, buoyage, and we have a total of 3,110,555 Rix dollars banco, or £349,703 sterling. Of this sum it is estimated that the British trade paid at least 37 per cent, or £129,390.

"This annual tribute, paid by Great Britain to Denmark, is levied in conformity with the stipulations of the treaty of 1841. That treaty was the result of the exertions of Mr. Hutt, and under it the duties on a number of articles were reduced. But the tariff of 1841 was still a very unsatisfactory arrangement, and disappointed the hopes of the shipping interest. It did not even reduce the whole of the rates to the basis of 1 per cent ad valorem, according to the principle of the treaty between Denmark and Holland, in 1701; it sanctioned in a number of cases rates equal to 3 per cent and upwards.

'However, the question is not now of rates more or less oppressive, but of the entire abrogation of Sound Duties. The United States have declared, by the mouth of their President, We can claim exemption therefrom as a matter of right.' England, in respect of those duties, stands in exactly the same relation to Denmark as America. England, like the United States, has submitted to pay them by a treaty which can be terminated by a year's notice on either side. These duties are a great and increasing burden on our trade. They can not be claimed on any ground of abstract justice or equity. Denmark does not

Eng

even claim the sovereignty of the Ore Sound, but divides it with Sweden. land might as well assert a right to tax all foreign vessels that sail through the Straits of Dover. In the recent correspondence between the American and Danish governments it is admitted by the latter that the Sound Duties can not be justified on principle."

The article concludes by hoping that the British government will follow the example of the United States, and give the notice of one year required by the treaty of 1841. Such is an outline of the past and present history of this prodigious imposition; and it is sincerely to be hoped that the Executive will carry out the expectations of the people-propose nothing more, and accept nothing less than the complete abrogation of those unjust and burthensome imposts. It will be worthy of the American character for progress and enterprise to stand forth as the champion and defender of commerce.

The Annals of San Francisco; containing a summary of the history of the first discovery, settlement, progress, and present condition of California, and a complete history of all the important events connected with its great city: to which are added biographical sketches of some prominent citizens. By Frank Soulé, John H. Gibson, M.D., and James S. Nesbit. Illustrated with 155 Engravings. D. Appleton & Co., 346 and 348 Broadway. San Francisco: Montgomery street. London: 16 Little Britain. 824 pp.

THIS book comprises a variety of matter, some of which is to the purpose, to wit, a description of the early days of California, and particularly of San Francisco; incidents of progress, the rise and organization of a new community, composed of heterogeneous human material from all parts of the world, driven together by the whip of evil fortune to answer the imperious ends of destiny. The other matter of the book, which is by no means to the purpose, is a collection of wretched personal puffs, called memoirs and notices of pioneers and "distinguished citizens" of San Francisco. Very few of the persons who are embalmed in this literary amber are

at all worthy of note, and many of them mere creatures of fortune, without character or standing in any community of honest or intelligent men. It is to these miserable hucksters we may trace the frightful pecuniary and political corruptions of California, and it is comforting to know that their appearance in this volume, otherwise a truly valuable and historical work, is their last appearance even in that community which has long since rejected them from its list of "worthy and influential citizens."

The Hidden Path. By Marion Harland. New-York: J. C. Derby.

"ALONE," a work by the same authoress, published some time since, evinced more than ordinary tact and talent. We believe it was extensively read. The book before us, at a casual inspection, seemed to be only another of that class of ascetic, sentimental volumes with which the press teems; but on a thorough reading, we find it full of genius, truth, and candor. The fact is, we see so many shallow satires and foolish flings at "fashionable society," directed by envious, malignant souls, that we heartily welcome a work of fairness and ability, like the "Hidden Path."

Historical Analysis of the Eastern War, and the Diplomatic Policy accompanying it. By J. E. Tuel, Author of a "Review of the Diplomatic Policy of the Mexican War," a "Treatise on the Law of Salvage in its bearing on Inter-National Law," etc. New-York: G. S. Wells.

THIS is the preliminary part of a work on the existing war. The concluding part is promised in a month or two. From the analytical table of contents, we should judge that this work will embrace a comprehensive resumé of the whole subject. The part published comprises an analysis of the diplomatic troubles preceding this contest, and is presented in a clear, concise style. The work is accompanied with two very fine engravings-the one of Alexander II., of Russia, the other of Napoleon III. We anticipate for this work a cordial appreciation by the public.

THE

UNITED STATES REVIEW.

DECEMBER, 1855.

RETROSPECTIVE AND PROSPECTIVE.

WITH the organization of parties we, of the present time, have much to do, as much, perhaps, as those who originated them at the inception of our system of government.

The causes leading to the American Revolution were of the growth of many years. When the yoke of oppression became unbearable by the masses, means to oppose it were more readily found than arranged or put in successful motion.

It required men for the times These were, providentially, raised up they stepped out into the front of society, when society itself was in its happiest fullness of talent, genius, and moral worth. The men who formed this government, were beyond the reach of corruption. Superior to the fascinations of a court, or the blandishments of power, they were equally above seduction, and invulnerable to fear. Giants of endurance and strength, the tried worth of their heroism was found equal to the task of establishing freedom for the oppressed, and a refuge for the exiles of tyranny.

The planting of Republicanism upon this Continent was the appropriate work of men schooled in adversity; the fruit borne by the scions of a hardy stock, transplanted to a genial soil. Superior in physical and moral organization to ordinary

men, they sprung from an oak which had battled the storm of prescription for centuries. Withstanding, again, in its new soil, the tempest of Indian war, and the accumulated terrors of want, sickness, and a climate of unaccustomed rigor, from this stock sprung a democracy so pure that it has grown, and thriven, and borne fruit, blessed to the sustenance of national strength, for nearly a century of national existence.

On the rock of Plymouth was kindled a beacon, which radiated at once from the zenith to the horizon of monarchy, and appearing in its refulgent beauty as a divine handwriting upon the wall of the universe, struck immediate terror to the heart of despotism, as it presaged the redemption of the world from thraldom.

The Democracy of the New World did not conceive liberalism as a full-grown man. It had its infancy. It has been often misapplied, because they who partake most of its benefits are they who least understand its application.

Freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press, are not alone the guarantees of republicanism, nor the surest theories to prove the existence of a republic. Where the people are governed least they are governed best, and there may be found true freedom and national republican democracy.

In the earlier history of our government we see so little of party spirit displayed as to almost induce the belief that it had no existence. Such, however, is not the case. There was, from the foundation of the government, a democracy, existing not so much as a governmental power, as the will controlling the power of government. And this must continue to exist. Antagonism to it has assumed many shapes, and fused with many faiths, but the despotism which, during the revolu tionary struggle, would have compelled the colonies to remain under the control of the mother country, yet lives as the remnant of a political party, and rising above the debris is seen intolerance, bigotry, and fanaticism-a kind of stench exhaling from the putridity of faction, a thousand times crushed by the popular will, and a thousand times re-born in added repulsive

ness.

This same spirit is as existent now as it was in the era of the Hartford Convention, when the idea was seriously entertained not only of separating the New-England States from the Union, but even of reuniting them with Great Britain; and from this party have descended some of the most brilliant men of the century. In its party organization were enrolled Webster,