It

the consequent welding of all the parts into one great whole, he writes: "It is impossible not to offer vows that this people may arrive at all the prosperity of which it is susceptible. It is the hope of the human race. can become its model. It must prove to the world, by the fact, that men can be free and tranquil, and can dispense with the chains of all kinds, which the tyrants and charlatans of every cloth have pretended to impose under the pretext of public good. It must give the example of political liberty, of religious liberty, of commercial and industrial liberty. The asylum which it opens to the oppressed of all nations must console the earth. The facility it affords for escape from a bad government will force the European governments to be just and enlightened. The rest of the world, little by little, will open their eyes to the nothingness of the illusion in which politicians have nursed them. To this end it is necessary that America suld take guarantees, and should not become, as so many of your ministerial writers have repeated, an image of a Europe, a heap of divided powers, disputing about territory or commercial profits, and continually cementing the slavery of the people with their own blood."

MR. SUMNER, in his work, "Prophetic Voices Concerning America," has collated some remarkable utterances by Horace Walpole, the son of England's Prime Minister, Robert Walpole. Under date of March, 1754, he goes upon the record of prophecy in these words-words that at that time few Englishmen would have penned: "The intructions to Sir Danvers Osborn, a new governor of New York, seemed better calculated for the latitude of Mexico, and for a Spanish tribunal, than for a free, rich British settlement, and in such opulence and of such haughtiness, that suspicions had long been conceived of their meditating to throw off their dependence on their mother country." Again, in February, 1774, he wrote to Hor

ace Mann: "We have no news, public or private; but there is an ostrich egg lain in America, where the Bostonians have canted three hundred chests of tea into the ocean; for they will not drink tea with our Parliament. Lord Chatham talked of conquering America in Germany. I believe England will be conquered some day in New England or Bengal." On July 6, 1777, he again says: "My humble opinion is, that we shall never recover America, and that France will take care that we shall never recover ourselves."

A REMARKABLE letter was that written by John Adams, on October 12, 1755, when he was not yet twenty years of age. Its prophecies were wonderfully fulfilled, and its whole tenor shows two things-the deep insight of the writer, and the fact that the birth of our nation was not as by some sudden upheaval, but as the result of long preparation and steady growth. "England," he writes, "began to increase in power and magnificence, and is now the greatest nation on the globe. Soon after the Reformation, a few people came over into this new world for conscience's sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may transfer the great seat of empire to America. It looks likely to me; for if we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, according to the exactest computations, will, in another century, become more numerous than England itself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may say, all the naval stores of the nations in our hands, it will be easy to obtain the mastery of the seas; and then the united force of all Europe will not be able to subdue The only way to keep us from setting up for ourselves, is to disunite us. Divide et impera! Keep us in distinct colonies, and then, some great man in each colony desiring the monarchy of the whole, they will destroy each other's influence, and keep the country in equilibro."

us.

Here is an extract from a speech made by

John Bright, at Birmingham, England, December 18, 1862: "I have a far other and far brighter vision before my gaze. It may be but a vision, but I will cherish it. I see one vast confederation stretching from the frozen north in unbroken line to the glowing south, and from the wild billows of the Atlantic, westward to the calmer waters of the Pacific main, and I see one people, and one law, and one language, and one faith, and over all that wide continent, the home of freedom, and a refuge for the oppressed of every race and of every clime."

MENTION was made recently of the presentation by Mrs. Elizabeth Townsend Meagher to the Red Jacket Club, of Canandaigua, New York, of the medal given by Washington to the great Indian chief upon his visit to the nation's capitol in 1792. We find in the Geneva, New York, Gazette, of March 13, a remarkable letter, in which the claim is distinctly set forth that this is not the famous memorial which it is claimed to be. The writer, Gen. Ely S. Parker, is a prominent civil engineer in New York city, is the leading Seneca Sachem, was raised up" to the Sachemship in 1851 with the title of Door Keeper" (Donehogawa), and was an officer in the civil war on the staff of General Grant, and drew up the articles of capitulation at the time of the surrender of General Lee. His letter is as follows:

NEW YORK, March 9th, 91. GEO. S. CONOVER, Esq., Geneva, N. Y.

Dear Sir:-Permit me to thank you sincerely and heartily for your able circular and letter, dated February, 1891, on the Washington Red Jacket Medal.

It seems that your article was written in consequence of a medal purporting to have belonged to the famous Indian orator, having been presented to the "Red Jacket Club" at Canandaigua by Mrs. Thomas Francis Meagher, a grand-daughter of Capt. Jasper Parrish, of Canandaigua, whilom interpreter for the Seneca Indians.

I saw this medal during its exhibition, a short time ago, at Tiffany & Co.'s jewelry store on Union Square, in this city. It was labelled "The Red Jacket Medal." I took pains to assure Tiffany's people that it was not a Red Jacket Medal, nor the one he wore throughout his life, and at the same time showed them the genuine medal which is in my possession. I also took an early opportunity of writing to the Hon. Thos. Howell, of Canandaigua, about it, and gave it as my firm conviction that Red Jacket never wore, or owned, this medal. It is, however, a genuine Washington Indian medal, shaped and inscribed on both sides like mine, with same date, viz: 1792. Its longest diameter is about five inches, mine is seven inches. I suggested to Mr. Howell that it would be well to advise the club of the preceding facts. Whether he has done so or no, I am unable to say.

Perhaps it would be well for history if this medal question should now be definately settled. But how can this be done? It is almost a century since these medal were given, and I believe nearly all of the present possessors of the Washington Indian medals have begun to trace their ownership back to Red Jacket. Besides mine and this one at Canandaigua, I hear of one being in some collection at Albany, another in the collection of the Pennsylvania Historical Society at Philadelphia, and another still in Texas.

At Red Jacket's death, in accordance with Indian customs, my medal was given by his relations, in the distribution of his personal effects, to one James Johnson, a favorite nephew of his, and at one time a young and promising chief. Johnson retained it about 20 years, and at my installation as a leading Sachem of the Iroquois Confederacy in 1851, I was formerly invested with it by the master of ceremonies placing it about my neck, the speaker remarking the fact that it was given by the great Washington to my tribal relative, Red Jacket, and that it was to be retained and worn as evidence of the

bond of perpetual peace and friendship established and entered into between the people of the United States and the Six Nations of Indians at the time of its presentation. There were scores of chiefs and other Indians present at this ceremony who personally had known Red Jacket, and were familar with the medal, and it is not probable or supposable that they would have been deceived as to its genuineness, or countenanced an imposition by having a bogus medal placed about my neck on so important

an occasion.

I have since met many old settlers of Buffalo and vicinity, among whom I will only mention Hon. O. H. Marshall, Orlando Allen, H. B. Porter, John Ganson, Benj.

Dole, Mr. Sibley, Mr. Turner (author of the "Holland Land Purchase "), who asked me to show them the medal, and they have instantly and invariably recognized it as the one they had so often seen worn by Red Jacket, and also the bead string by which it is suspended.

The Washington medals are all inscribed a'ike upon both sides, varying only in size and date. Mine is a large one and dated 1792-has thirteen stars; the eagle holding thirteen arrows in one claw and an olive branch in the other.

Respectfully yours, etc.,

ELY S. PARKER, Or Do-ne-ho-ga-wa, Iroquois Sachem.

"INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.' By Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph. D., Assistant Professor of History, Harvard University. Published by Ginn & Co., Boston.

This is No. 2 of the "Harvard Historical Monographs," now being issued by Harvard University. It is a history of the development of Federal Government, not only in America, but on the other side of the sea. It is divided into two parts: The first, or historical portion, is an outline of the political history of the successive federations, with some account of the literature upon each. The second, or comparative part, is presented in an appendix containing a parallel view of the four leading federal constitutions now in operation.

BOOKS.

requires so many qualities and forms of preparation of its author, falls into the right hands, and then only can it answer all the demands made by the critical as well as the general seeker after information in that especial line. In this case it is doubtful if an extended search through the entire bar of the west, would find one more eminently fitted for this especial subject than Judge Elliott Anthony. Added to natural abilities of a high order and a knowledge of the laws of to-day, we find in him a deep study of the laws of the past, and of the especial lines that lead up to the constitutional history of Illinois. An illustration upon this point may be found in his investigations of the laws of Old Virginia, now being published in these pages. He has gone to the very fountainhead of his subject, and to the dry facts has added a wealth of contemporaneous information, that brightens and explains the theme. When he reaches the subject of his work, in its direct application, he has a field vast enough for all the requirements of even the

critical student of history. Illinois has held four constitutional conventions within the period of seventy-three years, and, as Judge Anthony well says, has "become somewhat conversant with constitution-making, and political science." Of these conventions, Judge Anthony has taken part in two, that of 1862, and also that of 1870, under which the State is at present working—an added illustration of his fitness for this especial task.

The work commences with the beginning of constitution making, and is carried thence to the American constitution, and onward along the general of development that has ensued. Various chapters treat of the ordin

ance of 1787, which was the great organic law of the northwest; the efforts to perpetuate slavery in spite of it; the first court held in that section of the country, the organization and admission of the new States; the founding of Illinois; and the successive steps by which it has reached the greatness and development of to-day. In what might have been a mere skeleton for the lawyer only, we have what is really a general history of the State, told within the comprehension of all, and yet full of instruction for the ablest and the most profound. It is a welcome and able addition to the literature of the State and of the northwest.