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BY ISAAC N. ARNOLD.

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and Derby, and, especially, by that great and picturesque leader, so lately passed away, Lord Beaconsfield. After a discriminating eulogy upon the late President, and the expression of profound sympathy, he said:

"Nor is it possible for the people of England, at such a moment, to forget that he sprang from the same fatherland and spake the same mother-tongue."

God grant that, in all the unknown future, nothing may ever disturb the friendly feeling and respect which cach nation entertains for the other. May there never be another quarrel in the family.

CHICAGO, 1882.

Dave N. Arnold

NOTE FROM THE RIGHT HON. JOHN

BRIGHT.

DEAR SIR:

on President Lincoln.

No. 132 Piccadilly, London,
June 28th, '81.

I have read with much pleasure your interesting paper I wish all men could read it, for the life of your great President affords much that tends to advance all that is good and noble among men. I thank you for sending me the report of your paper.

I am, very sincerely yours,
JOHN BRIGHT.

Hon. ISAAC N. ARNOLD

LETTER FROM MRS. A. C. BOTTA.

71

LETTER FROM MRS. ANNE C. BOTTA.

MY DEAR MR. ARNOLD:

Buckingham Palace Hotel,
June 22d, 1881.

An hour ago I opened the pamphlet you gave me yesterday, intending to glance at the contents and lay it aside to read when I reached home, but I found myself unable to lay it down until I had carefully read every word from first to last. It is certainly the most clear, exhaustive, and eloquent tribute to Mr. Lincoln that I have ever seen. But the pleasure it has given me is quite equaled by the pride I feel in knowing that it was listened to by the London Historical Society, to whom it must have been as novel as interesting. As a good American, I thank you cordially for thus giving to the English people so noble a picture of our great President, while, at the same time, you presented to them in person his able friend and coadjutor.

Very truly yours,

ANNE C. BOtta.

ADDRESS OF TITO PAGLIARDIRRI, ESQ.,

COUNCIL OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY, LONDON, ENGLAND.

MR. CHAIRMAN, LADIES, and GENTLEMEN :-Seldom have I listened to a paper that has so deeply interested me. It has given us a living portrait of one of the most remarkable individualities of recent times-a portrait, too, traced by the hand of one who, having himself taken a prominent part in the great national struggle which put an end to slavery, had constant opportunities of seeing and studying in every phase of his life the eminent man he has so graphically portrayed. And though it has been said that familiarity breeds contempt, and that there is no hero for his valet, yet men of the Garibaldi and Lincoln type, whose influence on their country and mankind. at large is chiefly due to moral force, can only gain by a closer view of them in their prosaic every-day life. When we see the gentler feelings of the human heart combined in a prominent man with a rigid sense of duty. and the intellectual power and perseverance necessary to fulfill that duty, we not only admire that man but revere and love him. Hence Abraham Lincoln, the preserver, as Washington was the founder of the great Union, always, I must confess, stood higher in my estimation and love than all the Alexanders, Cæsars, and Napoleons

TITO PAGLIARDIRRI'S ADDRESS.

73

who have reddened the pages of history with their brilliant exploits.

Before his time, I was often taunted by my French republican friends for showing but scant enthusiasm for "La grande République Américaine." In answer, I pointed to the huge black spot which, though it only covered half, yet extended its moral taint to the whole of the otherwise glorious Union. That could not be the model land of Liberty where millions of our fellow-creatures were born to slavery, to be bought and sold like swine.

But when the great deliverer arose, humble though his origin, as is that of most deliverers, my sentiments. towards America changed. I hailed him with enthusiasm and stood almost alone in my circle, composed chiefly of readers of the conservative and semi-conservative press; for, to their shame and ultimate discomfiture, the leading papers almost all took the wrong side, prophesying continuous disasters to the anti-slavery party and a consequent disruption of the Union. Their grand but specious argument, which misled many honest minds, ignorant of the history of the several States, was that the South had as much right to fight for their liberty as the United States themselves had to fight for their independence against England. Liberty, indeed! The liberty to perpetuate the curse of slavery!

But Americans must not judge of British sentiments by the conservative press, which only represents a portion of the public, but which, unfortunately, was that which most easily found its way across the Atlantic. The real heart of Great Britain was from the beginning with the

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