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HERE is not, to my mind, outside of Divine Writ, so convincing an evidence of the immortality of the soul, as is furnished by the growth and development of the mind and character of this greatest of American Presidents to meet the exigencies of the direction and control of a great revolution, on the successful issue of which depended the happiness of one-fifth of the world. From a poor country boy, uneducated and untrained, we find him advancing through the grades of a commonplace law practice, to the government of a great nation in one of the most perplexing political epochs that history records, controlling and directing events to a successful issue-to the most successful issue possible, as retrospection after a lapse of years proves. History furnishes scarcely a parallel to the character of this greatest of reformers. The love of power has produced wise despots, who have endured a life of earnest labor, full of privations, for the sake of innovation and improvement; Icabots have lived miserable lives, or suffered infamous deaths for an idea involving improvement, but the motive in both cases is rather personal than general. The rule with mankind as practical in politics or religion, is conservation. In the face of opposition and struggle, we shrink from responsibilities, and content ourselves with contracting the sphere of intended reforms, to our immediate surroundings.

As his career differed from that of the other heroes of history, in that he lived and strove for reforms that would benefit mankind, though his own life should be the price, in so far is Abraham Lincoln the greatest of Reformers the noblest of Patriots-the ablest of men.

U. S. ARMY, 1882.

W. menitt

CHARLES DUDLEY WARNER.

129

AB

BRAHAM LINCOLN was the genius of common sense. In his daily life he was a representative of the American people, and probably the best leader we could have had in the crisis of our national life. He was a great leader, because to his common sense was added the gift of imagination.

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SPEECH AT ALTON, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 15, 1858.

On this subject of treating slavery as a wrong, and limiting its spread, let me say a word. Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we hold most dear among us? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of slavery? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition of things by enlarging slavery?-by spreading it out, and making it bigger? You may have a wen or cancer upon your person, and not be able to cut it out lest you bleed to death: but surely, it is no way to cure it, to ingraft it and spread it over your whole body—that is no proper way of treating what you regard a wrong. You see, this peaceful way of dealing with it as a wrong -restricting the spread of it, and not allowing it to go into new countries where it has not already existed— that is the peaceful way, the old-fashioned way, the way in which the fathers themselves set us the example. "Is slavery wrong?"

That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this country, when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles-right and wrong throughout the world. They are two principles

SPEECH AT ALTON.

131

that have stood face to face from the beginning of time; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity, and the other, the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, "You work, and toil, and earn bread, and I'll eat it." No matter in what shapes it comes, whether from the mouth of a king, who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation, and live by the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle.

I do not claim, gentlemen, to be unselfish; I do not pretend that I would not like to go to the United States Senate; I make no such hypocritical pretense; but I do say to you, that in this mighty issue it is nothing to the mass of the people of the nation, whether or not Judge Douglas or myself shall ever be heard of after this night; it may be a trifle to either of us, but in connection with. this mighty question, upon which hangs the destinies of the nation, perhaps, it is absolutely nothing.

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