ments are necessary to the militia laws of the
United States; and having agreed thereto,
Ordered, That Messrs. SMITH of Maryland,
SUMTER, and BRADLEY, be the committee.

Mr. MACLAY presented the memorial of Charles Pleasants, and other merchants, of the city of Philadelphia, stating that, since the 10th of March, 1808, they have imported sundry goods, wares, and merchandise, consisting of articles enumerated in the act of Congress, passed on that day, entitled "An act for extending the terms of credit on revenue bonds in certain cases, and for other purposes;" but that, by the construction of the Treasury officers, no advantage of its provisions can be had in favor of goods imported subsequent to its date. The memorialists, therefore, pray that the Legislature will provide for an extension of the relief afforded by the said act to their cases, for reasons stated in the memorial; which was read and ordered to lie for consideration.

The following motion was submitted by Mr.

REED:

Resolved, That, in future, the Secretary provide, for the use of the Senate, stationery of the manufacture of the United States, or of some Territory thereof.

SENATE.

Senate the orders and decrees of the belligerent Powers of Europe since 1792; and the motion having been amended, was agreed to as follows:

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate copies of all the orders and decrees of the belligerent Powers of Europe, passed since one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, affecting the commercial rights of the United States.

Ordered, That the Secretary lay this resolution before the President of the United States. The Senate resumed the consideration of the motion made on the 11th instant, requesting the President of the United States to lay before the Senate a statement showing the number of vessels which have departed from the United States since December 22, 1807; and

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate a statement showing the number of vessels which have departed from the United States, with permission, between the 22d of December, 1807, and the 30th of September, 1808, specifying the names of vessels and their owners, the size of the vessels, the date of their clearances, the ports or places for which they were destined, and the amount authorized to be brought back to the United States in each of such vessels.

Ordered, That the Secretary lay this resolution before the President of the United States.

The Senate resumed the motion made yesterday, that so much of the Message of the President of the United States as relates to the several embargo laws, be referred to a select committee, with instructions to examine and report whether The Senate resumed the consideration of the any further measures are now necessary to en- motion made on the 11th instant, directing the force due observance thereof during their conuse of American stationery, and, having amendtinuance; and, also, whether any further modified the motion, it was agreed to, as follows: cation thereof be expedient at this time; and that such committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.

Resolved. That, in future, the Secretary provide for the use of the Senate stationery of the manufacture of the United States, or of some Territory thereof, as far as the same can be conveniently procured.

TUESDAY, November 15.

Mr. MITCHILL moved an amendment, to insert after the word "modification," the words "or a repeal." Mr. M. said his object was to refer the whole subject, and authorize the committee to inquire as well into the expediency of a removal of these laws, as into further provisions for enThe PRESIDENT communicated the resolutions forcing them, if it should be judged most safe passed by the House of Representatives of the and proper to preserve them in operation. He Indiana Territory, on the 11th of October last, thought this the most expeditious way of obtain- stating the discontents prevailing among the peo ing the opinion of the Senate on that great ques-ple west of the Wabash, in consequence of their tion, which was the subject of the most anxious solicitude, and on which he wished there might not be a day's nor even an hour's delay.

The amendment was not seconded. Mr. GILES's motion was then agreed to, and Messrs. GILES, SMITH of Maryland, HILLHOUSE, BRADLEY, and POPE, were appointed the committee.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have appointed the Rev. Mr. BROWN a Chaplain to Congress, on their part, during the present session.

MONDAY, November 14.

JOSEPH ANDERSON, from the State of Tennessee, and ANDREW MOORE, from the State of Virginia, attended.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the motion made on the 11th instant, requesting the President of the United States to lay before the

connexion with the people eastward of the said river, and requesting a separation, as the only means of restoring harmony, and terminating those discontents, so essential to their general prosperity; and the resolutions were read.

Ordered, That they be referred to Messrs. POPE, TIFFIN, and BRADLEY, to consider and report thereon.

Mr. REED, from the committee appointed on the 9th instant, to inquire into the state and condition of the Chamber prepared for the Senate during the present session, and whether it is safe and expedient to continue therein, made a report, which was read, and ordered to lie for consideration.

WEDNESDAY, November 16.

ANDREW GREGG, from the State of Pennsylvania, attended.

tending to show that it was not a measure of hos-ders in Council. tility or coercion, as applied to France.

SENATE.

On England it had little or no effect. Her resources were immense. If deprived of a supply of grain here, she could obtain it elsewhere. The Barbary Powers were at war with France and at peace with England, who might thence obtain wheat in any quantity she pleased. Great Britain, he said, was a nation with the whole worlding no time for the development of all its consebefore her; her commerce spread over every sea, and she had access to almost every port and clime. Could America expect to starve this nation? It was a farce, an idle farce. As to her West India islands, they raised Indian corn; all their sugar plantations could be converted into corn-fields, and would any man say that they would starve because they could not get superfine flour? Was this a necessary of life without which they could not subsist? On the contrary, a great proportion of the American people subsisted on it, and enjoyed as good health as if they ate nothing but the finest of wheat flour. The moment people understood that they could not get their necessary supplies from a customary source, they would look out for it in another quarter, and ample time had been given to them to make arrangements for this purpose. A man of the first respectability in the town in which Mr. H. lived, had been there during this embargo, under the President's permission. What accounts did he bring? Why, that the trade in corn meal and live cattle, articles of great export from Connecticut, and comprising not only the product of that State, but of parts of the neighboring States, would be entireÎy defeated; that, where they had formerly sent a hundred hogsheads of meal, they would not now find vent for ten; and that, from South America, where cattle had, in times past, been killed merely for their hides and tallow, cattle in abundance could be procured. Were these people to be starved out, when they could actually purchase cheaper now from other places than they had formerly done from us? No; the only consequence would be, and that too severely felt, that we should lose our markets; the embargo thus producing, not only present privation and injury, but permanent mischief. The United States would have lost the chance of obtaining future supplies, they would have lost their market, and ten or twenty years would place them on the same footing as before. Mr. H. said, the West Indians would have learnt that they can do without us; that they can raise provisions cheaper on their own plantations than we can sell them; and knowing this, they would never resort to us. Though we might retain a part of this commerce, the best part would be lost forever. The trade would not be worth pursuing; though this might answer one purpose intended by the embargo, and which was not expressed.

Mr. H. said he would examine this a little, and see if all the evil consequences which opened on him at the time of the passage of the embargo law were not likely to be realized. He had hinted at some of them at that time, but the bill had gone through the Senate like a flash of lightning, giving no time for examination; once, twice, and a third time in one day, affordquences. This article of cotton was used not only by Britain but by France and other nations on the Continent. Cotton, not being grown in Europe, must be transported by water carriage. This being the case. who would now be most likely to be supplied with it? Not the Continental Powers who have so little commerce afloat nor any neutrals to convey it to them; for the United States were the only neutral which, of late, traded with France, and now the embargo was laid, she had no chance of getting it, except by the precarious captures made by her privateers. To Great Britain, then, was left the whole commerce of the world, and her merchants were the only carriers. Would not these carriers supply their own manufacturers? Would they suffer cotton to go elsewhere, until they themselves were supplied? America was not the only country where cotton was raised; for he had seen an account of a whole cargo brought into Salem from the East Indies, and thence exported to Holland, with a good profit. Cotton was also raised in Africa, as well as elsewhere; and this wary nation, Great Britain, conceiving that the United States might be so impolitic as to keep on the embargo, had carried whole cargoes of the best cotton seed there for the purpose of raising cotton for her use. Great Britain had possessions in every climate on the globe, and cotton did not, like the sturdy oak, require forty or fifty years to arrive at maturity; but, if planted, would produce a plentiful supply in a year. Thus, then, when this powerful nation found America resorting to such means to coerce her, she had taken care to look out for supplies in other quarters; and, with the command of all the cotton on the globe which went to market, could we expect to coerce her by withholding ours? Mr. H. said no; all the inconvenience which she could feel from our measure had already been borne; and Great Britain was turning her attention to every part of the globe to obtain those supplies which she was wont to get from us, that she might not be reduced to the humiliating condition of making concession to induce us to repeal our own law, and purchase an accommodation by telling us that we had a weapon which we could wield to her annoyance. Mr. H. wished to know of gentlemen if we had not experience enough to know that Great Britain was not to be threatened into compliance by a rod of coercion? Let us examine ourselves, said he, for if we trace our genealogy we shall find that we descend from them; were they to use us in this manner, is there an American that would stoop to them? I hope not; and neither will that nation, from which we are descended, be driven from their position, how

Having considered the article of provisions as important to various parts of the Union, Mr. H. said he would now turn to another article, cotton. It had been very triumphantly said, that the want of this article would distress the manufacturers of Great Britain, produce a clamor amongst them, and consequently accelerate the repeal of the Or-ever erroneous, by threats.

SENATE.

The Embargo.

NOVEMBER, 1808.

This embargo, therefore, instead of operating on carried on commerce notwithstanding. Supplies those nations which had been violating our rights, went hence, and manufactures were received from was fraught with evils and privations to the peo- Europe. Now, what reliance could be placed on ple of the United States. They were the suffer- this patriotism? A gentleman from Vermont ers. And have we adopted the monkish plan of had told the Senate at the last session that the Scourging ourselves for the sins of others? He patriotism of Vermont would stop all exportation hoped not; and that, having made the experiment by land, without the assistance of the law. How and found that it had not produced its expected had it turned out? Why, patriotism, cannon, effect, they would abandon it as a measure wholly militia, and all had not stopped it; and although inefficient as to the objects intended by it, and as the field pieces might have stopped it on the having weakened the great hold which we had Lakes, they were absolutely cutting new roads to on Great Britain, from her supposed dependence carry it on by land. And yet the gentleman had on us for raw materials. supposed that their patriotism would effectually Some gentlemen appeared to build up expecta-stop it! Now Mr. H. wanted to know how a nontions of the efficiency of this system by an addi- intercourse law was to be executed by us with a tion to it of a non-intercourse law. Mr. H. coast of fifteen hundred miles open to Great Brittreated this as a futile idea. They should, how-ain by sea, and joining her by land? Her goods ever examine it seriously, and not like children would come through our Courts of Admiralty by shut their eyes to danger. Great Britain was not the means of friendly captors; they would be the only manufacturing nation in Europe. Ger- brought in, condemned, and then naturalized, as many, Holland, France, Spain, Portugal, and Irishmen are now naturalized, before they have Italy, manufactured more or less, and most of been a month in the country. them had colonies, the exclusive supply of whose manufactures they had heretofore reserved to themselves. While we had enjoyed the carrying trade, we had supplied the deficiency in navigation of those nations; and all the inconvenience felt for the want of it ceased because we stepped in and aided them. This trade had been cut up, and perhaps it was not a trade which the energies of the nation should be embarked in defending. Who was there now to supply all these various colonies that used to be supplied by us? None but England, the sole mistress of the ocean. Whose products, then, would Great Britain carry? Would she carry products of other nations and let her own manufacturers starve? No; and this exclusion from the colonies of other manufactures, and leaving her merchants the sole carriers of the world, produced a greater vent for her manufactures than the whole quantity consumed in the United States.

This, however, was arguing upon the ground that the United States would consume none of her manufactures in case of a non-intercourse. Mr. H. said he was young when the old non-intercourse took place, but he remembered it well, and had then his ideas on the subject. The British army was then at their door, burning their towns and ravaging the country, and at least as much patriotism existed then as now; but British fabrics were received and consumed to almost as great an extent as before the prohibition. The armies could not get fresh provisions from Europe, but they got them here by paying higher prices in guineas for them than was paid by our Government in ragged continental paper money. When the country was in want of clothing, and could get it for one-fourth price from the British, what was the consequence? Why, all the zealous patriots for this work of tarring and feathering, and meeting in mobs to destroy their neighbor's property, because he could not think quite as fast as they did, which seemed to be coming in fashion now, had been carried on then with great zeal these patriots, although all intercourse was penal,

Mr. H. went on at some length to show the impracticability of enforcing a non-intercourse law on our citizens.

It had been said that the embargo should not be raised, because there was no commerce that could now be safely pursued. He was astonished that gentlemen should introduce this argument, as it went upon the ground that France and England could mutually arrest our commerce with each other. If this were really the fact, merchants, who were so nice in their calculations, would not risk their property. The insurance offices were perfect thermometers by which to calculate the degree of risk in any commerce. They always made their calculations on the safe side, and it would be found that no property was more sought after than insurance stock, and this was because the institutions were usually conducted by cautious merchants. A few harumscarum individual merchants might engage in hazardous enterprises and lose all. Such men would never be controlled by law or prudent considerations. But the great body of merchants would always regulate the course of trade, and there was no need of an embargo to save them from running too great a risk.

How had they done in times past? Laws had been in force making it unlawful to trade with the Spanish possessions in South America; but we had nevertheless carried on a profitable trade there, and not all the vigilance of Spain could prevent it. Now and then a few of our citizens had been caught and imprisoned, but that had not stopped our trade; nor was it in the power of France and England combined to do it. On this subject, Mr. H. said, gentlemen took for granted what was not true. France had issued her decree, saying that no vessel should navigate to England or her dependencies. What had been the consequence of this decree? It had not raised insurance five per centum. Had there been no good reason for this? Yes; it was well known that the whole combined navy of France was not able to meet a British fleet on the ocean.

The

NOVEMBER, 1808.

The Embargo.

SENATE.

Were they to embark in a conflict to prevent their citizens from doing this? All this smuggling work, where it was not under the sanction of laws of the United States, reflected no disgrace on the honor of the nation, which was not responsible for it.

If there were nothing that would commit the honor of the nation in the way of it, Mr. H. said it would be the interest of this nation to abandon its commerce with France, not only on account of the risk in carrying it on, but on account of the risk after it gets into port. Mr. Armstrong said-but he would not allude to him, for fear he might tread on confidential ground; however, accounts had been received from our Consuls and merchants, that whenever it suited the convenience of the French nation to lay their hands on American property, they had done it; and, therefore, our trade to that country was on a very insecure footing indeed.

But, said gentlemen, if they allowed our vessels to trade to England and not to France, it was a submission to her orders, and a resignation of our independence; therefore, the embargo must be maintained to keep on equal ground. I could never see, observed Mr. H., how the embargo was the means of preserving the honor of the nation. These nations say we shall not trade; and, therefore, by an embargo, we destroy our commerce. This is magnanimous, indeed. It is a new way of preserving commerce; because foreign nations say we shall not follow it, we say we will abandon it. Do we not comply with the requisition of these nations completely; more than comply, for we surrender all commerce. It is the most tame surrender of our rights.

French ships of war, therefore, could never go out but by stealth, and could not spread over the ocean so as to endanger our commerce. Iusurance had therefore been very little affected; and was it worth while to abandon trade with England altogether because France said we must not carry it on? This was revenging ourselves upon them with a witness! After the embargo had been laid-for, at that time, he affirmed they had no knowledge of the British orders-some newspaper speculations on the subject had appeared, but the orders were not officially communicated by the President_till the 4th of February ensuing-what said England? You shall not trade to France, said she. England had it in her power to enforce her decree, and the insurance rising proportionably, the merchant had it in his power to say whether his probable profits would justify his sending a cargo to France under so great an insurance. But he asked a question now as to our interest simply, excluding other forcible considerations-when it was not in the power of France to enforce her decrees, and it was in the power of England to enforce her orders in a very great extent, would it have been good policy to involve ourselves in a maritime war with England, who had overcome all the combined fleets of Europe, for the sake of defending our trade with France? If any trade cost more than it was worth, Mr. H. said it was our interest to abandon it. But there was another danger attendant on our trade to France, and which had ever attended it-sequestration. American property was very apt to be sequestered; and, in enforcing their Berlin decree, the French had thought proper to burn our vessels; and though it had been said that the Berlin decree had never been applied to us before But, said gentlemen, we must have embargo or the case of the Horizon, yet vessels had been war. This, Mr. H. said, had been urged in pubsequestered in February, 1807, sold, and the money lic debate, in the newspapers, and almost all comretained, and would probably never be restored. munications they had received. For his part he This sequestration had been practised in the could not see how a repeal of the embargo was to French ports more or less since the commence-involve us in war, except it were, as was said last ment of the Revolution, and we had never got one dollar as compensation. To be sure, in the Treaty of Louisiana, we had been allowed to pay money to our own citizens, but it had never come out of French coffers. Was it worth our while to engage in a maritime war with England to support a trade with France? Mr. H. said no; our interest would not have warranted it. For, notwithstanding all that France could do, at a risk of five per cent. we might have had a trade with the British islands, Sweden, Portugal, the East Indies, the British West India islands, and other countries-a profitable trade, too. But gentlemen said, would they submit to pay tribute to Great Britain? No. This tribute was but a mere name. They must pay tribute for going from England to France, where they would be captured as a matter of course, because they had touched English ground. It was a tribute to be paid in a case which would never happen-a mere nullity. But, said gentlemen, there are American vessels which have gone to England, the embargo notwithstanding, and thence to various Mr. H. said he thought when the embargo was ports of the Continent, by the aid of false papers. | laid, though, perhaps, he had been singular in the

winter, that Bonaparte would have no neutrals; and, therefore, if we did not continue the embargo, he would declare war against us. Was this a ground on which to surrender commerce, and subject all our citizens to inconvenience because he would otherwise declare war? What more could he do than he had done? What more than burn our ships and sequester our property? He could do no more. Why, then, should they be terrified thus? If war came thus, let it come. Mr. H. said he was not for declaring war against any nation, but he was for authorizing the arming our commerce, for authorizing our merchants to defend those maritime rights which were clear and indisputable; and this would not be war, for no nation, not predetermined to make war, would make war upon us for defending our maritime rights. I should not, said he, be willing to go to war for doubtful rights, as that of the carrying trade between the mother country and her colonies; but our indisputable neutral rights I am for defending, not abandoning.