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He undertakes to render himself up whenever the captor thinks it expedient to commit him again into custody. In brief, he surrenders his privilege of escaping from prison, for the convenience of being at large, within the reach of his captors.

Another sort of parole is that in which the captive is permitted to return home, on a pledge not to bear arms against the govern- | ment which releases him.

Very early in the Revolutionary War, this same question was raised by the British commanders, in the case of Gen. Charles Lee. He was British-born, and had been an officer in the regular British army. He resigned, and took up arms for the colonists. He was taken prisoner in the first year of the war, and carried to New York. In 1777 a convention was held for the exchange of prisoners, when Gen. Howe reserved Gen. Lee-out of the list of prisoners to be exchanged-on the ground that his case was different from that of the Americans, he having been an officer in the King's army. Con

In an exchange of prisoners, persons on parole are treated for as still subject to interchange; that is, the release of parole, on either side, is as frequently the subject of arrange-gress responded by ordering Lieut.-Col. Campment as the interchange of prisoners actually in custody. More or less equivalents are asked, in proportion to the rank of the person imprisoned or paroled, and the degree of importance attached to his services.

If, to the ordinary conditions for release on parole, of not bearing arms until exchanged, be added a stipulation that the person paroled shall give "no aid or information" to his countrymen during the war; and it be intended thereby that he shall not use the information acquired when a prisoner to the detriment of those who release him, it is a stipulation which may be exacted, though it is difficult to understand what penalty would follow from a breach of it. To exact a pledge of absolute neutrality and silence, by word and act, from a man living among his own kindred, in the midst of a war of outrage against them, is asking more than is just, reasonable, or possible to be enforced.

bell, a British prisoner taken in Massachusetts, and five Hessian officers, into close custody, with notice that they should all be dealt by as the British authorities should deal with Gen. Lee.

Gen. Howe referred the subject to the Ministry at home, and they directed that Gen. Lee should be released from this duress, and held for exchange as a prisoner of war. The promptitude of the action of Congress had the effect of obtaining this concession at once from the British Government, which was most jealous of all Governments of the duties of allegiance; and it is more noteworthy, because it was done against the advice of Gen. Washington, who thought that in the comparative condition of the two armies, in regard to prisoners, of which the British had much the larger number, and the military superiority which the enemy possessed at the time, the rule of retaliation would operate against the Americans. There is no such plea of disparity now, and the rule of

carry insult as well outrage, ought to be prompt, complete, and inflexible.

The same rule should be applied to the seamen of the Confederate States, who have been or may be taken prisoners. Some of them are now in prison at New York, on trial for their lives as pirates. They are in harsh confinement, and have been, if they are not still, in irons. Others are in prison and in irons in Philadelphia.

These rules for keeping a custody over the consciences of Southern soldiers, instead of giv-rigid retaliation, for injuries like those which ing them full release in exchange for Federal soldiers, are within the capacity of the Federal Government to establish, although they are certainly harsh and unusual. They initiate practices which will of course be retaliated, by such measures as will be judged, in the relative condition of the belligerents, to operate with equivalent vigor on the Federal prisoners in our hands. In that retaliation it is not requisite to follow the acts of the enemy with exactly the like class of acts, in the same degree. It will be justifiable, and, indeed, necessary, to consider in what way the injury done to the Confederate soldiers, and the Confederate cause, can be returned with direct and at least equivalent force, on those of the enemy.

The exception from the privileges of parole of officers of the Confederate army who have been officers of the army of the United States, makes a special case for direct and effective interposition by the Confederate Government. The assertion of the right to punish, with unusual and excessive hardships, as prisoners, army officers who have quitted the Federal service to take that of their native country, is one which must be met, at once, with the inflexible purpose to treat it as an outrage, and to inflict, in some way which will make itself felt, ample, | and, if need be, vindictive retaliation.

Their fate depends on the finding of a court, and the subsequent caprice of a President. It is alleged that the device will be employed of considering them as pirates, and then saving their lives by a commutation of sentence. The indignity to these States will be insisted on, but the responsibility will be evaded. There is no better way of treating this than to hold an imprisonment and a trial of any Confederate sailor as a wrong to be retaliated upon enemies within our power, so as to compel the abandonment of a brutal and insulting practice.

We have unlimited faith that nothing will be so done, or omitted to be done, by the men at the head of the Confederate Government, which will compromise, directly or indirectly, the rights of soldiers or sailors who meet danger in its service.

-N. O. Picayune, Aug. 14.

Doo. 187.

vivors of the boat's crew succeeded in getting her off from the shore while I was firing. The GOVERNOR BUCKINGHAM'S CALL. Reliance coming up at this moment commenced For the purpose of sustaining the suprem- throwing shell at the flying enemy, and also acy of the Federal Government, and suppress- sent a boat to assist in getting my boat off. ing the rebellion now raging against its author- Nothing was left behind. My boat is completeity, I, William A. Buckingham, Governor ofly riddled, particularly in the after part. The the State of Connecticut, hereby call upon the attacking party numbered about thirty. Lieut. loyal and patriotic citizens of this State to or- Mygatt remained with his vessel in the vicinganize in companies for four regiments of in-ity until I could report to you. The following fantry, and offer their services for three years or during the war. The several companies will report to the Adjutant-General, and when accepted will be required to rendezvous with the regiments to which they shall be attached by the Commander-in-Chief. Two regiments will rendezvous at New Haven and two at Hartford. Given under my hand and seal of the State, at Hartford, this the 15th day of August, 1861. WM. A. BUCKINGHAM. By his Excellency's command, J. H. TRUMBULL, Secretary of State.

Doc. 188.

THE ATTACK ON THE RESOLUTE.

OFFICIAL REPORTS.

UNITED STATES STEAMER YANKEE,
OFF AQUIA CREEK, August 16, 1861.

SIR: This morning, at about eleven o'clock, I despatched the steamers Resolute and Reliance to make a reconnoissance off Matthias Point. At about three P. M., the Resolute, Acting; Master Budd, returned to this anchorage and made this report, which is herewith enclosed. I have ordered Mr. Budd to proceed with his dead and wounded to the Navy Yard. Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

THOMAS S. CRAVEN, Commander,
Commanding the Potomac Flotilla.

Hon. GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of the Navy, Washing

ton.

UNITED STATES STEAMER RESOLUTE,

August 16, 1861.

persons were killed and wounded:-Killed,
John Fuller, master's mate; Geo. Seymour,
seaman; Thos Tully, seaman. Wounded, Er-
nest Walton, seaman. The men who escaped
state that the boat on the shore had two casks
in her. We were unable to secure her. Very
respectfully,
WM. BUDD,
Commanding Resolute.
TO CAPT. CRAVEN, Commanding Potomac Flotilla.

Doc. 189.

NEWSPAPERS PRESENTED IN COURT.
To the Circuit Court of the United States for
the Southern District of New York:
The Grand Inquest of the United States of
America for the Southern District of New York,
beg leave to present the following facts to the
Court, and ask its advice thereon:

There are certain newspapers within this district which are in the frequent practice of encouraging the rebels now in arms against the Federal Government by expressing sympathy and agreement with them, the duty of acceding to their demands, and dissatisfaction with the employment of force to overcome them. These papers are the New York daily and weekly Journal of Commerce, the daily and weekly News, the daily and weekly Day Book, the Freeman's Journal, all published in the city of New York, and the daily and weekly Eagle, published in the city of Brooklyn. The firstnamed of these has just published a list of newspapers in the Free States opposed to what it SIR: In obedience to your orders I proceed-calls "the present unholy war 29 -a war in deed down the river to make an examination of fence of our country and its institutions, and Matthias Point and the intermediate vicinity. our most sacred rights, and carried on solely Nothing indicating a hostile movement could for the restoration of the authority of the Govbe discovered at or about the Point. Hearing ernment. that a schooner was ashore at Lower Cedar Point I thought it advisable to go down to her and get her off if possible. A boat was seen on the Virginia shore a short distance this side of Persimmon Point, and I despatched an officer and five men in a boat for the purpose of capturing her. They had just reached her, and were in the act of making fast when a volley of musketry was fired from the adjoining bush-spiracy and rebellion, tells the conspirators and es, not more than five or six yards distant, instantly killing three of the boat's crew and wounding another. I immediately opened fire, throwing shell into the cover that sheltered the enemy. After four or five rounds they were driven out, running in parties of three and four in different directions, some of them going into some dwelling-houses on the right. The sur-gency. VOL. II.-Doc. 39

The Grand Jury are aware that free governments allow liberty of speech and of the press to their utmost limit, but there is, nevertheless, a limit. If a person in a fortress or an army were to preach to the soldiers submission to the enemy, he would be treated as an offender. Would he be more culpable than the citizen who, in the midst of the most formidable con

rebels that they are right, encourages them to persevere in resistance, and condemns the effort of loyal citizens to overcome and punish them as an "unholy war"? If the utterance of such language in the streets or through the press is not a crime, then there is a great defect in our laws, or they were not made for such an emer

The conduct of these disloyal presses is, of course, condemned and abhorred by all loyal men; but the Grand Jury will be glad to learn from the Court that it is also subject to indictment and condign punishment.

All which is respectfully presented.

NEW YORK, August 16, 1861.

CHARLES GOULD, Foreman. (Signed by all the Grand Jurors.)

Doc. 190.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S PROCLAMATION,
FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH THE STATES IN

REBELLION.

By the President of the United States

A PROCLAMATION.

other parts of the United States, is unlawful and will remain unlawful until such insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of the said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the special license and permission of the President, through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of the said States, with the exception aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same or conveying persons to and from the said States, with the said States; and that, from and after fifteen days exceptions, will be forfeited to the United from the issuing of this proclamation, all ships and vessels belonging, in whole or in part, to any citizen or inhabitant of any of the said States, with the said exceptions, found at sea in any part of the United States, will be forfeited Whereas, on the 15th day of April, the Pres- to the United States, and I hereby enjoin upon ident of the United States, in view of an in- all district attorneys, marshals, and officers of surrection against the Laws, Constitution, and the revenue and of the military and naval forces Government of the United States, which had of the United States to be vigilant in the exebroken out within the States of South Carolina, cution of the said act, and in the enforcement Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisi- of the penalties and forfeitures imposed or deana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the pro-clared by it, leaving any party who may think visions of the act entitled an act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose, approved February 28th, 1759, did call forth the militia to suppress said insurrection and cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse by the time directed by the President; and whereas, such insurrection has since broken out and yet exists within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas, the insurgents in all the said States claim to act under authority thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of Government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof, in which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by said States;

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in pursuance of the act of Congress approved July 13th, 1861, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States of Georgia, South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida, except the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia, lying west of the Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of that State and the other States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be, from time to time, occupied and controlled by the forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents as are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the exception aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and

himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary of the Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which the said Secretary is authorized by law to grant, if in his judgment the special circumstances of any case shall require such a remission.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done in the City of Washington, this, the 16th day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States of AmerABRAHAM LINCOLN. ica the eighty-sixth.

By the President.
WM. II. SEWARD.

Doc. 191.

LOUISVILLE (KY.) PEACE RESOLUTIONS,

ADOPTED AUGUST 17, 1861.

WHEREAS, (the preamble sets forth that there is no mistaking the position of Kentucky in the present civil war, as she is unalterably for peace.)

Resolved, That while this State desires to be true to the Union, she also desires to be at peace with all the States.

Resolved, That we earnestly desire the restoration of peace to every part of our beloved country, and as the speediest and surest method of effecting that result, we appeal for a cessation of the war now being made on the Union.

Resolved, That we behold a dissolution of the Union a remedy for no evils, but an aggravation of all.

Resolved, That we do not see how peace, enduring and substantial, is to be attained by the

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establishinent of two independent governments | the symbol of peace, with the word PEACE within the present Union. inscribed on its folds; that we urge upon every county, city, town, and precinct in the State to erect similar flags; that the people erect them on their houses, and that steamboats, railroad trains, and every species of vehicle carry them.

Resolved, That we deprecate the attempt being made to produce by force the disruption of the Union.

Resolved, That, for the purpose of restoring peace, all patriotic men abandon sectional parties at the North and the South, and that the rights of the Government should not be abandoned while it dictates to an armed rebellion.

Resolved, That the neutrality of Kentucky but forshadowed her love of peace, and that all negotiations looking to the constitutional settlement of all sectional differences, and to the preservation of the Union, shall have her hearty cooperation.

Resolved, That we are unwilling that any foreign power shall own the mouth of the Mississippi, or any ports of the United States, and therefore are unalterably opposed to a dissolution of the Union; that we are for our country, now and forever, whether assailed by foreign or domestic enemies.

THE SECEDERS' RESOLUTIONS.

1. Resolved, That the people of Louisville have ever been loyal to their country and its Constitution; and, animated by this sentiment, in common with the vast majority of the people of Kentucky, will unwaveringly seek peace for themselves and their whole country.

2. That the position of Kentucky is mediatorial; that she has, in Congress and in her Legislature, nobly extended the olive branch to her sister States; and that, not despairing of the Republic, and keenly feeling the calamities and humiliations growing out of the present unnatural strife weighing down every part of our once united, prosperous, and glorious country, Kentucky still offers herself to our countrymen of every section as a mediator.

3. That war is a dire necessity, never to be resorted to except as the only means of accomplishing a certain good, and that civil war is the worst of all-that its sectional triumphs are national humiliations, and its battle-fields' names accursed, reddened as they must be with the blood of fraternal slaughter.

4. That peace brings trade, employment, prosperity, and abundance, giving comforts and support to wives and children; while war brings stagnation, forced idleness, prostration, and want, producing privation and starvation.

5. That our people should earnestly invoke the Father of Mercy and the Prince of Peace to show favor and give peace to our war-afflicted country, and imbue us with the wisdom, the patriotisin, and the forbearance of our revolutionary fathers, as well as a due appreciation of their sufferings, their toils, and their glory, that we may, in these trying times, emulate them in transmitting the God-given boon of peace to posterity.

6. That on Saturday, the 24th inst., the Peace Party of Louisville, each person wearing a white rosette or ribbon, will erect a white flag,

7. That the Chairman appoint a committee of persons, who shall be an Executive Committee, whose duty it shall be to prepare an address to the people of Kentucky on the subject of peace, to correspond with other parts of the State to procure peace, and to carry out the objects of this meeting.

8. That the Journal, Democrat, Anzeiger, Courier, and all the peace papers in the State are requested to publish the proceedings and resolutions of this meeting.

The following gentlemen were appointed an Executive Committee: Wm. P. Campbell, Wm. Terry, J. S. Lithgow, Jas. Bridgeford, John Bell, Wm. Inman, B. H. Hornsby, A. A. Gordon, D. Spalding, Jr., D. B. Leight, Emanuel Lieberman, and E. S. Worthington. On motion, the meeting adjourned.

JAMES TRABUE, President.

JOHN BELL, Secretary.

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To the people of Illinois:

After urging upon the proper authorities, before and since the outbreak of hostilities, the propriety of granting to all the gallant sons of Illinois the privilege of volunteering to vindicate the supremacy of the Government, I have at length succeeded in obtaining instructions from the Secretary of War to accept all companies which shall offer themselves for the three years' service.

I have now the pleasure to announce that all companies which shall report, fully organized, within twenty days from this date, will be received, and that orders for the transportation, sustenance, and equipment of troops have already been given. Equipments of the best quality will be furnished in the shortest practicable period, and arms will be procured as soon as possible.

An admirable camp, with ample drill and parade grounds, abundance of pure water, pleasant shade, and conveniences for bathing, has also been selected; skilful and experienced drill officers have been employed. I have also taken steps to call home as many of the sons of Illinois, graduates of West Point, and now in the army of the United States, as may be practicable, with a view of giving them positions in the army, and an opportunity to serve the State in the stirring events through which she is now passing.

It has been my unpleasant lot, resulting from the limited authority conferred upon me by the Legislature and the Federal authority, to turn

off thousands who were ready to enter the field, | a Government of the people, founded upon the and to see the patriotic ardor of the people equal rights of all and upon the rights of a madampened by refusal of their services; but I jority, to defend itself against all traitors at still have no doubt as to the response which home and enemies abroad. Cost what it may, will now be made. It is with pride, and in a then-an empty exchequer, ruined credit, prosspirit of exultation, that I refer to the patriotic trate commerce, and fearful loss of human life response of Southern Illinois to the late call made by me for troops.

From Southern Illinois alone the whole requisition could be filled.

The response from Northern Illinois has also been creditable in a high degree, but the larger portion of those eager to enter the service have been engaged in their harvest fields. They will respond with alacrity and promptitude within the next twenty days.

In the mean time, numerous companies of "Home Guards" have been formed, and organizations under the Militia law have been initiated, giving assurance that our State will be prepared for any emergency.

the war, at any cost, will be cheap, and history, in all her ample chronicles, shall indite no sublimer event than the spontaneous uprising of this great people to establish the proposition which all ages have not settled-that a free government can be strong enough to sustain itself, and that man is capable of self-government.

Illinoians! Traitors are marching upon your National Capital to tear down the flag which Washington planted upon its dome, and which, for eighty-five years, has waved to the battle and the breeze-the emblem of our National sovereignty, and the proud ensign of our National greatness and renown. Let us meet Chicago, besides sending her gallant regi- them, never giving ground, never yielding an ments into the field, has already a full regi-inch, till the jubilant shouts of triumph shall go ment completely organized under the Militia up from all our charging columns and all our law a fact worthy of her, as the first city in victorious legions. Let there be no comprothe State.

Illinoians! the war is on your hands-the enemy now in large numbers is marching toward your borders. Every prominent point on your rivers is threatened with attack. Shall it be said that the numbers, whose object it is to sustain a Government as good as ours, are not one-third so large as those which are in arms to put it down! Shall the handful of our first volunteers be required to oppose vastly superior numbers? How long shall the brave Siegel in the unequal contest be forced to retreat? How long shall the blood of the noble Lyon cry from the ground unavenged? How long shall the fatal blunder and foul blot of Manassas stain our escutcheon?

The cause in which you are to engage is a holy one. You are to fight for a Government you love; the very best Government on earth, endeared to you by the boundlessness of the blessings it confers; which has protected and nursed you with all the fondness of a mother for her child; which has secured our country respect at home and abroad, and made the title "American citizen" prouder than that of "Roman citizen" in the days of the Scipios and Cæsars. What undying memories cluster around it! What joys, what fears, what tears, what smiles, what destinies, what hopes are associated with it! The gift of Washingtonthe hope of our children-the asylum of the oppressed of every nation on earth; to aim for its perpetuity is the loftiest summit of patriotic aspiration-and to vindicate it, the most shining height of human achievement. To fight for-to live for-to die for such a Government -is glorious.

We fight for our nationality, for the life of liberty itself, for our Union-for the States to be one and undivided; now and forever; to establish, now and always, that there is power in

mise, till the last traitor shall lay down his arms and sue for peace.

Illinoians! we are soon to make a record for our State. Each State will be justly emulous to inscribe her name highest on the scroll of fame, which the historian of this war has already commenced to write. Shall not the star which answers to Illinois be brightest in the galaxy of the thirty-four? On many a field of glory she has written an imperishable record of her prowess, and while the names of her Hardin, her Bissell, her Shields, and her Baker, and the gallant men around them, remain, her fame is secure.

Let us now send her proudest chivalry into the field, and do nothing to mar the glories already achieved. Let us raise an army, which, in numbers, discipline, and prowess, shall of itself be sufficient to sweep the last vestige of treason from the Mississippi Valley, and to bear our flag in triumph to the ends of the republic. RICHARD YATES,

Governor and Commander-in-Chief.

Doc. 193.

NURSES IN THE NATIONAL ARMY.
GENERAL ORDERS, NO. 59.

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, August 17, 1861. FIRST. So much of paragraph three of special orders, No. one hundred eighty-five from this office, dated July 12, 1861, as relates to the allowances of female nurses employed in permanent or general hospitals, is hereby rescinded, and such persons will receive, from and after the 3d inst., forty cents per day and one ration in kind or by computation, at cost price, in lieu of all emoluments except transportation in kind.

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