country. They will pour forth their treasure, their money, their men, without stint, without measure. The most peaceable man in this body may stamp his foot upon this Senate Chamber floor, as of old a warrior and Senator did, and from that single tramp there will spring forth armed legions. Shall one battle determine the fate of empire, or a dozen? the loss of one thousand men or twenty thousand, of one hundred million dollars, or five hundred millions? In a year's peace, in ten years at most, of peaceful progress, we can restore them all. There will be some graves reeking with blood, watered by the tears of affection. There will be some privation; there will be some loss of luxury; there will be somewhat more need for labor to procure the necessaries of life. When that is said, all is said. If we have the country, the whole country, the Union, the Constitution-free government-with these will return all the blessings of well-ordered civilization; the path of the country will be a career of greatness and of glory such as, in the olden time, our fathers saw in the dim visions of years yet to come, and such as would have been ours now, to-day, if it had not been for the treason for which the Senator too often seeks to apologize. Mr. Breckinridge-I shall detain the Senate, sir, but a few moments in answer to one or two observations that fell from the Senator from California Mr. Baker-Oregon. authority in executing the laws; and when the question assumes the magnitude and takes the form of a great political severance, and nearly half the members of the Confederacy withdraw themselves from it, what then? I have never held that one State or a number of States have a right without cause to break the compact of the Constitution. But what I mean to say is, that you cannot then undertake to make war in the name of the Constitution. In my opinion they are out. You may conquer them; but do not attempt to do it under what I consider false political pretences. However, sir, I will not enlarge upon that. I have developed these ideas again and again, and I do not care to reargue them. Hence the Senator and I start from entirely different stand-points, and his pretended replies are no replies at all. The Senator asks me, "What would you have us do?" I have already intimated what I would have us do. I would have us stop the war. We can do it. I have tried to show that there is none of that inexorable necessity to continue this war which the Senator seems to suppose. I do not hold that constitutional liberty on this continent is bound up in this fratricidal, devastating, horrible contest. Upon the contrary, I fear it will find its grave in it. The Senator is mistaken in supposing that we can reunite these States by war. He is mistaken in supposing that eighteen or twenty millions upon the one side can subjugate ten or twelve millions upon the other; or, if they do subjugate them, that you can restore Constitutional Government as our fathers made it. You will have to govern them as territories, as suggested by the Senator, if ever they are reduced to the dominion of the United States, or, as the Senator from Vermont called them, "those rebellious provinces of this Union," in his speech today. Sir, I would prefer to see these States all reunited upon true constitutional principles to any other object that could be offered me in life; and to restore, upon the principles of our fathers, the union of these States, to me the sacrifice of one unimportant life would be nothing, nothing, sir. But I infinitely prefer to see a peaceful separation of these States, than to see endless, aimless, devastating war, at the end of which I see the grave of public liberty and of personal freedom. Mr. Breckinridge-The Senator seems to have charge of the whole Pacific coast, though I do not mean to intimate that the Senators from California are not entirely able and willing to take care of their own State. They are. The Senator from Oregon, then. Mr. President, I have tried on more than one occasion in the Senate, in parliamentary and respectful language, to express my opinions in regard to the character of our Federal system, the relations of the States to the Federal Government, to the Constitution, the bond of the Federal political system. They differed utterly from those entertained by the Senator from Oregon. Evidently, by his line of argument, he regards this as an original, not a delegated Government, and he regards it as clothed with all those powers which belong to an original nation, not only with those powers which are delegat- The Senator asked if a Senator of Rome had ed by the different political communities that uttered these things in the war between Carcompose it, and limited by the written Consti- thage and that power, how would he have been tution that forms the bond of union. I have treated? Sir, the war between Carthage and tried to show that, in the view that I take of Rome was altogether different from the war our Government, this war is an unconstitution- now waged between the United States and the al war. I do not think the Senator from Ore- Confederate States. I would have said—rather gon has answered my argument. He asks, than avow the principle that one or the other what must we do? As we progress south- must be subjugated, or perhaps both destroyed ward, and invade the country, must we not,let Carthage live and let Rome live, each said he, carry with us all the laws of war? I would not progress southward, and invade the country. The President of the United States, as I again repeat, in my judgment, only has the power to call out the military to assist the civil pursuing its own course of policy and civilization. The Senator says that these opinions which I thus expressed, and have heretofore expressed, are but brilliant treason; and that it is a tribute to the character of our institutions that I am allowed to utter them upon the Sen- | ate floor. Mr. President, if I am speaking treason, I am not aware of it. I am speaking what I believe to be for the good of my country. If I am speaking treason, I am speaking it in my place in the Senate. By whose indulgence am I speaking? Not by any man's indulgence. I am speaking by the guarantees of that Constitution which seems to be here now so little respected. And, sir, when he asked what would have been done with a Roman Senator who had uttered such words, a certain Senator on this floor, whose courage has much risen of late, replies in audible tones: "He would have been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock." Sir, if ever we find an American Tarpeian Rock, and a suitable victim is to be selected, the people will turn, not to me, but to that Senator who, according to the measure of his intellect and his heart, has been the chief author of the public misfortunes. He, and men like him, have brought the country to its present condition. Let him remember, too, sir, that while in ancient Rome the defenders of the public liberty were sometimes torn to pieces by the people, yet their memories were cherished in grateful remembrance; while to be hurled from the Tarpeian Rock was ever the fate of usurpers and tyrants. I reply with the just indignation I ought to feel at such an insult offered on the floor of the Senate chamber to a Senator who is speaking in his place. Mr. President, I shall not longer detain the Senate. My opinions are my own. They are honestly entertained. I do not believe that I have uttered one opinion here, in regard to this contest, that does not reflect the judgment of the people I have the honor to represent. If they do, I shall find my reward in the fearless utterance of their opinions; if they do not, I am not a man to cling to the forms of office, and to the emoluments of public life, against my convictions and my principles; and I repeat what I uttered the other day, that if indeed the Commonwealth of Kentucky, instead of attempting to mediate in this unfortunate struggle, shall throw her energies into the strife, and approve the conduct and sustain the policy of the Federal Administration in what I believe to be a war of subjugation, and which is being proved every day to be a war of subjugation and annihilation, she may take her course. I am her son, and will share her destiny, but she will be represented by some other man on the floor of this Senate. Mr. Baker-Mr. President, I rose a few minutes ago to endeavor to demonstrate to the honorable Senator from Kentucky that all these imaginations of his as to the unconstitutional character of the provisions of this bill were baseless and idle. I think every member of the Senate must be convinced, from the manner of his reply, that that conviction is beginning to get into his own mind; and I shall therefore leave him to settle the account with the people of Kentucky, about which he seems to have some predictions, which, I trust, with great personal respect to him, may, different from his usual predictions, become prophecy after the first Monday of August next. Mr. Doolittle-Mr. President, in the heat and excitement of this debate, there are one or two ideas that ought not to be lost sight of. The Senator from Kentucky seems to forget, while he speaks of the delegated powers of this Government under the Constitution, that one of the powers which is delegated is that we shall guarantee to every State of this Union a republican form of government; that when South Carolina seeks to set up a military despotism, the constitutional power with which we are clothed and the duty which is enjoined upon us is to guarantee to South Carolina a republican form of government. There is another idea that seems to be lost sight of in the talk about subjugation, and I hope that my friends on this side of the Chamber will not also lose sight of it in the excitement of the debate. I undertake to say that it is not the purpose of this war, or of this Administration, to subjugate any State of the Union, or the people of any State of the Union, What is the policy? It is, as I said the other day, to enable the loyal people of the several States of this Union to reconstruct themselves upon the Constitution of the United States. Virginia has led the way; Virginia, in her sovereign capacity, by the assembled loyal people of that State in Convention, has organized herself upon the Constitution of the United States, and they have taken into their own hands the Government of that State. Virginia has her judges, her marshals, her public officers; and to the courts of Virginia, and to the marshals and executive officers of Virginia we can intrust the enforcement of the laws the moment that the state of civil war shall have ceased in the eastern or any other portion of the State. It is not, therefore, the purpose of this Government to subjugate the people of Virginia, or of any other State, and subject them to the control of our armies. It is simply that we will rally to the support of the loyal people of Virginia and of Tennessee and of North Carolina and of Texas, ay, and of the Gulf States too when they are prepared for it; we will rally to the support of the loyal people of these States and enable them to take their Government in their own hands, by wresting it out of the hands of those military usurpers who now hold it, for they are nothing more and nothing less. That is all that is involved in this contest, and I hope on this side of the Chamber we shall never again hear one of our friends talking about subjugating either a State or the people of any State of this Union, but that we shall go on aiding them to do just precisely what the loyal people of Virginia are doing, what the loyal people of Tennessee are preparing to do, what the loyal people of North Carolina stand ready to do, and what the loyal people in Georgia and Alabama and Louisiana, and last perhaps of all, the loyal people of South Carolina will do in reconstructing themselves with them in support of that motion, and shall vote for the postponement of the bill; not for the reasons that have been stated by the Senator from Kentucky in denouncing the measure, but because by that time this whole subject may be considered, and whatever rules may be necessary to be adopted in those districts where the civil war is to be carried on, can be adopted at that time. In the mean time, it is true that where war in fact shall exist, of necessity these rules will depend upon the Commander-inChief. Doc. 153. GEN. FREMONT'S EXPEDITION. ST. LOUIS, Aug. 1. UNUSUAL interest has been created by the unwonted military activity which has followed the arrival of Major-General Fremont in St. Louis. Regiments have been constantly arriving, the city has been fairly thronged with troops; eight steamboats have been preparing for their transportation down the river, and on last evening there were strong indications that commanding general of this department has not seen proper to inform the public accurately beforehand with respect to the precise objects of his enterprise, plans of his campaign, or date of the departure of his expedition. Upon these points time will undoubtedly enlighten the community. upon the Constitution of the United States. | Mr. President, I have heard the Senator from Kentucky to-day, and I have heard him again and again, denounce the President of the United States for the usurpation of unconstitutional power. I undertake to say that without any foundation he makes such a charge of usurpation of unconstitutional power, unless it be in a mere matter of form. He has not, in substance; and the case I put to the Senator the other day, he has not answered, and I defy him to answer. I undertake to say that, as there are fifty thousand men, perhaps, in arms against the United States in Virginia, within thirty miles of this capital, I, as an individual, though I am not President, though I am clothed with no official authority, may ask one hundred thousand of my fellow-men to volunteer to go with me, with arms in our hands, to take every one of them, and, if it be necessary, to take their lives. Why do not some of these gentlemen who talk about usurpation and trampling the Constitution under foot, stand up here and answer that position, or forever shut their mouths? I, as an individual, can do all this, though I am not President, and am clothed with no legal authority whatever, simply be-"the great fleet" was about to move. The cause I am a loyal citizen of the United States. I have a right to ask one hundred thousand men to volunteer to go with me and capture the whole of the rebels, and, if it be necessary to their capture, to kill half of them while I am doing it. No man can deny the correctness of the proposition. Away, then, with all this stuff, and this splitting of hairs and pettifogging here, when we are within the very sound of the guns of these traitors and rebels, who threaten to march upon the capital and subjugate the Government. Mr. President, there is some contrariety of opinion as to the propriety of acting upon the bill pending before the Senate to-day, or as to whether we shall defer action upon it until the next session of Congress. Many of our friends deem it advisable that it should be postponed until then; some of them think it should be acted on now. For myself, I believe, as was maintained by the honorable Senator from Vermont, that where civil war actually exists, where men are actually in arms, in combat, of necessity the laws of war must go with them, and the laws of war are unwritten laws. At the same time, I agree with the honorable Senator from Illinois, that the Constitution of the United States clothes Congress with the power to make rules and regulations respecting the armies of the United States, and that we may extend or we may limit the ordinary rules of war. But, sir, as has been suggested, it is a very important question to what extent they should be limited. Whether it should be done now or at the next session of Congress is not, in my judgment, so very material; but as many of my friends around me are disposed to allow it to pass over until the next session, when the whole subject can be considered and may be matured, I shall join VOL. II.-Doc. 35 The steamers City of Alton, Louisiana, and D. A. January remained at the arsenal at a late hour last night. On board the former were the baggage and arms of a large portion of the rank and file of the Nineteenth Illinois regiment. During the day the guns of these troops were exchanged for first-class Minié muskets. The D. A. January steamed up to the wharf during the afternoon and took on board an additional quantity of provisions and camp equipage, with which she then returned to the Arsenal, arriving at about five P. M. The steamer G. W. Graham moved to the Arsenal at about noon, with stores of provisions and camp freight, and began taking on board the baggage of Lieutenant-Colonel Rombaur's command of Home Guards. The cominand embraces one battalion of Colonel Almstedt's, and another of Colonel Kallman's regiment-First and Second of the U. S. Reserve Corps. Commandant Rombaur is taken from Colonel Almstedt's staff, in which he is lieutenant-colonel. His detachment forms a splendid regiment, full eleven hundred strong. At 3 P. M. they were out on review and parade, after which they marched on board the G. W. Graham, filling every deck almost to overflowing. The Iowa Second regiment was in readiness to embark, whenever ordered, upon the D. A. January. She already bore the baggage of the corps, and a battery of artillery, including a rifled cannon captured by them from the rebels in North Missouri. The troops doubtless went | Cassville. On the 1st instant Gen. Lyon oron board during the night. dered his entire command, with the exception of a small guard, to rendezvous at Crane Creek, ten miles south of Springfield. The command consisted as follows. The exact strength of the different corps I am not at liberty to give, for obvious military precaution: From the levee a very interesting spectacle presented itself, at about noon, to hundreds of spectators. On the firing of a signal gun, the steamers Empress, War Eagle, Jennie Deans, Warsaw, and City of Alton, simultaneously backed from the wharf, and dropped anchor in mid-stream. The movement was executed with admirable precision and fine effect. These steamers, with the Louisiana, January, and Graham, constitute the military fleet of eight vessels, to proceed down the Mississippi. Each bears aloft the Stars and Stripes, while the City of Alton, as the "flag steamer," shows also the Union Jack and a broad pennon. The gallant vessels attracted much attention, and every movement respecting them was watched with keen interest. At four P. M., the Seventeenth regiment, Illinois, Col. Ross commanding, broke up their encampment at the Abbey track, and marched into the city to Fifth street, and on Fifth, Washington avenue, Fourth, Chestnut, Main, Locust, and the Levee, to the steamer Warsaw, which had moved to the Keokuk landing, near the foot of Chestnut street, to receive them. The troops were preceded by an unusually excellent band of music, and presented a remarkably vigorous and imposing appearance. They were much adinired as a corps of hardy and evidently intelligent and determined men. Company A of this regiment is Gen. Pope's body guard, and consists of picked men. Crowds gathered at the wharf and witnessed the interesting embarkation of the Illinois Seventeenth. The corps marched in good order on board the Warsaw, but a portion of them subsequently proceeded on board the Jennie Deans, which, together with the Empress, moved into the landing. Five companies First and Second Regiment Regulars, Major Sturgis. Five companies First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Lieutenant-Col. Andrews. Two companies Second Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Major Osterhous. Three companies Third Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Siegel. Fifth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Salamon. First Regiment Iowa Volunteers, Colonel J. F. Bates. First Regiment Kansas Volunteers, Colonel Deitzler. Second Regiment Kansas Volunteers, Colonel Mitchell. Two companies First Regular Cavalry, Captains Stanley and Carr. Three companies First Regular Cavalry (recruits), Lieut. Lathrop. Captain I. Totten's Battery Regular Artillery, six guns, six and twelve-pounders. Lieut. Dubois's Battery Regular Artillery, four guns, six and twelve-pounders. Captain Shaeffer's Battery Missouri Volunteer Artillery, six guns, six and twelve-pounders. The whole column was under the immediate command of Major-General Lyon, while Brigadier-Generals Sweeny, Siegel, and Major Sturgis were intrusted with the most important subsidiary charges. The march commenced at five o'clock on the afternoon of Thursday. The baggage wagons, one hundred and eighty in number, were scattered over a distance of three miles. The camp at Crane Creek was reached about ten o'clock, the men marching slowly and making frequent halts to get the benefit of shade or water. Early next morning, after making a hasty meal, the line of inarch was resumed. We were joined by the division from Camp McClellan, and, with cavalry and skirmishers ahead, pushed on as fast as the nature of the country would admit. This day, like its predecessor, was intensely hot. The extreme temperature, and the fine dust which enveloped the train in clouds, produced intolerable thirst. The coun At eleven o'clock last night, the fleet and embarked troops remained awaiting complete readiness and orders to start. Major-General Fremont and staff went on board the City of Alton, to accompany and direct the expedition. Captain Bart Able is in charge of the fleet. The captains of the several vessels were published by us yesterday. It was expected that the boats would all start together at about day-try is of the hilly kind which just falls below break this morning. Doc. 154. THE FIGHT AT DUG SPRINGS, MO. AUGUST 2, 1861. the standard of mountainous. After leaving Springfield, which is said to be the summit of the Bark Mountains, we pass along the ridge which divides the waters which fall into the Missouri and White Rivers. Streams there were none to mention; though traceable on the map, they are at this season only distinguishable by A CORRESPONDENT at Curran, Stone County, their dry rocky beds. Water was hardly to Missouri, gives the following account of this be had, the few springs and wells in the neighaffair:-The report which reached us at Spring-borhood being either emptied by drought or by field, gave rise to the belief that Gen. McCul- the men. The ridges and sides of the limestone loch designed an attack upon that point, by hills were covered for the most part with stunttwo columns moving from Cassville and Sar-ed oak saplings, which rarely afforded shade coxie. The Federal scouts reported their force for horse and rider. The midsummer sun at about fifteen thousand in each division, and travelled through an unclouded sky like a ball on Wednesday they were reported within of fire, scorching all animated nature in his way. twenty miles of the town and advancing from The men, however, kept up their spirits toler ably well, and as at every few miles loyal citizens were met, informing us that the enemy was but a few miles ahead, every prospect for a grand fight was the common opinion. At about eleven o'clock on Friday morning, as the advance guard was rising the crest of a hill, sixteen miles from here, the skirmishers discovered several mounted men in the road. Word was passed back, when Capt. Totten ordered a six-pounder to the front, and just as the men were in the act of leaving the house of one of their secession friends he sent a shell by the gunpowder line, which burst over the house. When this unexpected messenger dropped in among them they scampered away down the hill, so that when we arrived at the top, nothing was to be seen but a moving cloud of dust. A light wagon, loaded with cooked provisions, was discovered on the road, which was shared by our famished men and eaten with infinite gusto. Bedding and other accoutrements were found around the buildings, indicating a lengthened sojourn. Our painful march was then continued with more caution, the woods and thickets being examined on either side of the road for ambuscades and surprises. Arrived at Dug Springs, some three miles further, we could perceive, as we entered the valley by one hill, dense columns of dust moving in various directions along the base and sides of the hills at the opposite end. The advance continued, the column drawn up ready for action. By the aid of glasses, bodies of men, both mounted and on foot, could be seen, and presently we could hear the sharp crack of the rifles of our advance guard. The flags were displayed, and all the indications seemed to point to a great battle, the position of the enemy being a strong one, and his force evidently numerous. As there was no advance from the valorous rebels spite of our coaxing, the day far spent, and the prospect for camping ground ahead not very brilliant, a retrograde movement was ordered, with a view of coaxing the enemy from his position. In order to understand the position of the parties, imagine an oblong basin of five miles in length, surrounded by hills from which spurs projected into the main hollow, covered with occasional thickets and oak openings. The winding of the road round the spurs had the effect of concealing the strength of each party from the other, so that from the top of each successive ridge could be seen the rear of the enemy's forces. At about five o'clock a brisk interchange of shots was commenced by our skirmishers, Captain Steele's regular infantry taking the lead on the left, supported by a company of cavalry, the rest of the column being back some distance. Presently we could see a column of infantry approaching from the woods with the design of cutting off our infantry. Capt. Stanley immediately drew up his men, and, as soon as within range, they opened fire from their Sharp's carbines, when several volleys were exchanged. The number of the enemy's infantry was seemingly about five hundred; our cavalry not quite a hundred and fifty. The infantry kept up the firing for some minutes, when some enthusiastic lieutenant giving the order to "charge," some twenty-five of the gallant regulars rushed forward upon the enemy's lines, and, dashing aside the threatening bayonets of the sturdy rebels, hewed down the ranks with fearful slaughter. Capt. Stanley, who was amazed at the temerity of the little band, was obliged to sustain the order, but before he could reach his little company they had broken the ranks of the cowards, who outnumbered them as twenty to one. Some of the rebels who were wounded asked, in utter astonishment, "whether these were men or devils-they fight so?" The ground was left in our possession, being strewn with muskets, shot-guns, pistols, etc. Our men seized some fifteen muskets and the same number of horses and mules and rode off, when a large force of the enemy's cavalry was seen approaching from the woods, numbering some three hundred or more. At the instant when they had formed in an angle, Capt. Totten, who had mounted a six and twelve-pounder upon the overlooking hill, sent a shell right over them; in another minute the second-a twelve-pound shell, a very marvel of gunnery practice-which landed right at their feet, exploding, and scattering the whole body in the most admired disorder. The third, fourth, fifth, and sixth were sent into their midst. The horsemen could not control their horses, and in a minute not an enemy was to be seen anywhere. Capt. Granger, of the artillery, was so pleased with the execution that he rode out to the spot, where he discovered several pools of blood on the ground, as if the shell had done great damage, one double-barrelled shot-gun being bent by the fragments of the shell. The praise of all tongues was upon the magnificent charge of our cavalry. The men, actuated by a supreme disdain for the novices who had but recently left the plough for the musket, determined to give them a real taste of war at the onset, and they must have given the poor deluded fools a bitter foretaste, with their navy revolvers and carbines. Two of the lieutenants returned with their swords stained with the blood of men they had run through and through, up to the hilt. One horse which was led home was pierced by nine balls; another with sides so covered with gore as to conceal the wounds. Four of their wounded men were afterward picked up on the ground, some of them fatally. Unfortunately our loss, as might be expected, was severe. Four of our gallant regulars were brought in dead, and five wounded, one of which has since died. The loss of the enemy cannot be far from forty, and their wounded fully a hundred. Secession accounts admit their loss was heavy. Although the entire action cannot be raised to the dignity of a great battle, for the whole |