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ANOTHER NARRATIVE.

ing to Rowlesburg. For four miles out we followed the track of the rebel fugitives, who, fearing to go to St. George, struck off in a byeroad at Horseshoe Run, with the intention of crossing the mountains into Hardy County, and proceeding to Winchester to join General Johnston.

GRAFTON, Virginia, July 15, 1861. "The day after the battle," and all was quiet, where but a few hours before armies had contended. The dead of the enemy were collected on the field and buried, with those who died at the hospital, at night. The brave young Georgian who stood by the side of his equally brave General when the Virginians slunk away at the presence of our troops, was honored with a separate burial in the orchard back of Mr. Carrick's house. A simple tomb, with an inscription in pencil to note his bravery in that deadly hour, marks his place of final rest. The body of General Garnett was placed in a substantial coffin of rough boards, and it was determined to forward it to Rowles-other prisoner, marched him off between files burg, and thence to Grafton, where a metallic coffin could be procured, and the remains preserved subject to the order of his friends.

The road they had taken was impracticable to wagons and artillery, and we were informed by a Union woman at the ford near Horseshoe Run that they had left their baggage train two miles up the river, of which fact Gen. Morris was advised by a special courier. The lady told us that a few days before the rebels had come to her husband's house, and taken all his grain; that they returned next day, took his horse, tied his hands, and lashing him to an

of soldiers, while the officer rode his horse. The woman was nearly frantic, and begged us, if the rebels were captured, to return her husGeneral Garnett was a cousin of the noted band to her alive. She further stated that ex-Congressman, and was purely a military many of their wagons were filled with woundcharacter by choice and education. He gradu- ed men, whose groans were heart-rending, and ated at West Point in 1841, at the same time their blood dripping from the wagons along the with one of General Morris's staff, who was road. Notwithstanding the outrages heaped for a time his room-mate. He distinguished upon her, she returned good for evil, and when himself in the Mexican war, and has since held the distressed fugitives begged at her door for important positions in the service of the Gov- an onion, a piece of bread, any thing to save ernment and his native State. He chose to them from actual starvation, she gave them all strike the hand that had bestowed honors upon she had; and so eager were they, that when him, and prove that if republics are sometimes she put corn cakes on the griddle, they would ungrateful there are those who can be ungrate-snatch them off half baked, and “bolt ” them ful to republics. In person General Garnett while hot enough to blister their throats. But was about five feet eight inches, rather slen- these instances of the terrible distress that surderly built, with a fine, high arching forehead, rounded them must answer, out of many simand regular and handsome features, almost clas-ilar incidents. Straggling parties were to be sic in their regularity and mingled delicacy found in every direction, and our troops could, and strength of beauty. His hair, almost coal and probably did, take hundreds of them prisblack, as were his eyes, he wore long on the oners. neck, in the prevailing fashion among the Virginia aristocracy. His dress was of fine blue broadcloth throughout, and richly ornamented. The buttons bore the coat of arms of the State of Virginia, and the star on his shoulder-strap was richly studded with brilliants.

Major Gordon was detailed to convey the body to Grafton, via Rowlesburg, and to return his sword, (evidently a family relic, and presented by Gen. George M. Brooke,) and other personal effects, to his family. The correspondents of the Commercial and Gazette, and Mr. Ricketts, (one of four brothers in the Indiana Seventh, all as brave and true men as are in the army,) were to act as escorts. A mule team, attached to an ambulance which had been captured the previous day, were the best outfit we could find for the purpose of the 30 miles of rough mountain travel before us.

Shaking hands with a host of friends we had formed in the army, we started on our journey a little before noon on Sunday. Our progress was exceedingly slow, owing to the intolerable condition of the road, but we hoped to make better time after passing St. George, where, we were informed, we would reach the pike lead

We hoped for a better road after we left St. George, but were disappointed. The pike, so little travelled that grass grows in it now, follows the tortuous course of Cheat River, and through a country as wild and picturesque as that of Switzerland. The road is an eternal zigzag, creeping along the shelving steeps of the mountains, with so little room in many places that six inches from the track would plunge a vehicle a thousand feet down precipitate gorges and dismal ravines. At one place we came to two trees blown down by the tempest across the road, and by dint of hard lifting we succeeded in getting the wagon over. Had we failed in this, our only course would have been to turn back.

When the sun went down we were still sixteen miles from Rowlesburg, with the most dangerous part of the road to travel. Once our hind wheels slipped off, and it was with the utmost difficulty that we prevented the whole going over a tremendous precipice. Proceeding at a snail's pace, we almost felt our way, and were aided over the most dangerous part of the road by two Union men, who, with their families, took to the woods on our first ap

proach, supposing us to be Secessionists. They were glad to do us any service.

they should escape and join the army in the Shenandoah Valley or beyond the Blue Ridge. The probabilities are that they never will suc ceed in getting back. Hundreds will perish of hunger and exhaustion in the mountain wildernesses, and hundreds will desert and return to their homes or deliver themselves up as prison

About eleven o'clock we approached the lines of our own pickets, though we could not tell exactly when we should meet their outpost. We were within four miles of Rowlesburg and two of Buffalo Creek, where seven companies of the Ohio Fifteenth were en-ers of war. It is the proper place at which to camped. From some experience among pick- terminate a six weeks' campaign. Hail and ets, I felt apprehensive that they would fire farewell. upon us, but Major Gordon felt sure they would halt us before firing, especially as we bore the flag of truce. We were jogging along pleasantly, Mr. Ricketts riding before, picking out | the way, when pop, pop, pop, went several guns, within thirty paces, the bullets whistling unpleasantly close to our ears.

Cincinnati Commercial.

MCCLELLAN'S MOVEMENTS.

We can say most cordially, with a contemporary, that, in perusing the narrative of Gen. McClellan's triumphant career in Western Virginia, the uppermost impression left in the mind is that it is a thing completely done. It is a finished piece of work. It stands before us perfect and entire, wanting nothing; like a statue or picture just leaving the creative hand of the artist, and embodying his whole idea. McClellan set out to accomplish a certain definite object. With that precise object in view he

ward he moves, and neither wood, mountain, nor stream checks his march. He presses forward from skirmish to skirmish, but nothing decoys or diverts or forces him from the trail of the enemy. Outpost after outpost, camp after camp, gives way; the main body falls back, and is at last

We hallooed to them to stop firing, that we were friends without the countersign, bearing a flag of truce and important despatches. But they would not stop to listen. Under the impression that the enemy was coming on them in force, they ran to the camp with a frightful story. Presently we heard the long roll beat-gathers his forces and plans his campaign. Onen, and the crash of trees, which were cut down to obstruct our passage. We held a council of war, picketed our horses, unhitched the mules, stuck our flag of truce up in the wagon, and took to the chapparel and hid behind logs. We very well knew that men so alarmed would do any thing desperate. Not-put to an ignominious and disgraceful retreat. withstanding the novelty and peril of our position, some of us fell asleep, overcome with fatigue. I was awakened about three hours after by something crawling along the dead bark of the log, and it was exceedingly like the crawl of a snake, that doubtless intended to have a warm bedfellow.

The woods abounded in rattlesnakes and copperheads, and I was not long in changing quarters. Shortly after a picket, under charge of an officer, came softly venturing out along the pike and walked up to our wagon. When they saw that it was not cannon, and that a flag of truce waved over it, one faintly cried out, "Who's there?"-"Friends without the countersign," replied the Major. "Come forward," was the response, and he obeyed orders. After a long parley and explanation, the guard standing with muskets cocked, we were allowed to come forward, and were conducted to quarters. Soldiers were detailed to cut away the timber and bring in our horses and team, and in the light of new day we arrived at Rowlesburg, chartered a special train, and found ourselves at Grafton by ten o'clock.

Thus ends the first campaign in Western Virginia, and my correspondence. The army of Gen. Morris was to return, via St. George, to Laurel Hill, and go into camp. The three months' men will soon return home for reorganization. The grand army of the rebels, over 10,000 strong, in Northwestern Virginia, has melted away like mist in the morning. Utterly routed and scattered, the men are so demoralized that they never will stand fire if

He remains master of the field, and reports that he has accomplished his mission. There is something extremely satisfactory in contemplating what might be called a piece of finished military workmanship by a master hand. It is one thing done. It is, besides, a poetic retribution, for it commemorates the quarter day after the bombardment of Sumter.

Thus shall we go on from one step to another. Eastern Virginia will next be McClellanized in the same finished style. The triumphant columns of the Grand Army of the United States will soon begin to move Southward from North, East, and West, headed by the old victor-chief, now coming as the conquering liberator of his native State. Then will the pseudo-Government at Richmond either repeat the flight at Harper's Ferry, Phillippa, Martinsburg, and Beverly, or, if it stands its ground, fall as surely before the concentrating hosts of the Republic as if it were meshed and crushed in the folds of some entangling and overwhelming fate. -Louisville Journal, July 20,

Doc. 89.

"CONFEDERATE" ARMY GENERALS. THE following is the list of the Generals appointed in the provisional and regular armies of the Confederate States:

GENERALS IN THE REGULAR ARMY.

1. Samuel Cooper, Va., Adj.-Gen. U. S. A.
2. Jos. E. Johnson, Va., Q.-M.-Gen. U. S. A.
3. Robt, E. Lee, Va., Col. of Cavalry U. S. A.

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6. Wm. H. T. Walker, Ga., Lieut.-Col. Inft. U. S. A.

7. Henry A. Wise, Va., late Gov. of Va.

nest and generous commendation, I must say that no merit can be accorded to me beyond that of having humbly but sincerely struggled to perform a public duty, amid embarrassments which the world can never fully know. In reviewing what is past, I have and shall ever have a bitter sorrow, that, while I was enabled to accomplish so little in behalf of our betrayed and suffering country, others were enabled to accomplish so much against it. You do me exceeding honor in associating me in your re

membrance with the hero of Fort Sumter. There is about his name an atmosphere of light that can never grow dim. Surrounded with his little band, by batteries of treason and by infu

8. H. R. Jackson, Ga., late Minister to Aus-riated thousands of traitors, the fires upon the tria.

9. Barnard E. Bee, S. C., Capt. Inft. U. S. A. 10. Nathan G. Evans, S. C., Major Inft. U. S. A. 11. John B. Magruder, Va., Major Art. U. S. A. 12. Wm. J. Hardee, Ga., Lieut.-Col. Cav. U. S. A.

13. Benj. Huger, S. C., Major Ordnance U.

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ADDRESS OF JOSEPH HOLT. DELIVERED AT LOUISVILLE, JULY 13TH, 1861.

MR. HOLT was introduced to the audience by Mr. Henry Pirtle, who addressed him a few words of welcome.

Then taking the stand, amid prolonged cheers, Mr. Holt spoke as follows:

JUDGE PIRTLE: I beg you to be assured that I am most thankful for this distinguished and flattering welcome, and for every one of the kind words which have just fallen from your lips, as I am for the hearty response they have received. Spoken by any body and anywhere, these words would have been cherished by me; but spoken by yourself and in the presence and on behalf of those in whose midst I commenced the battle of life, whose friendship I have ever labored to deserve, and in whose fortunes I have ever felt the liveliest sympathy, they are doubly grateful to my feelings. I take no credit to myself for loving and being faithful to such a Government as this, or for uttering, as I do, with every throb of my existence, a prayer for its preservation. In regard to my official conduct, to which you have alluded with such ear

altar of patriotism at which he ministered, only waxed the brighter for the gloom that enveloped him, and history will never forget that from these fires was kindled that conflagration which now blazes throughout the length and breadth of the land. Brave among the bravest,. incorruptible and unconquerable in his loyalty, amid all the perplexities and trials and sore humiliations that beset him, he well deserves that exalted position in the affections and confidence of the people which he now enjoys; and while none have had better opportunities of knowing this than myself, so I am sure that none could have a prouder joy in bearing testimony to it than I have to-night.

FELLOW-CITIZENS: A few weeks since, in another form, I ventured freely to express my views upon those tragic events which have brought sorrow to every hearthstone and to every heart in our distracted country, and it is not my purpose on this occasion to repeat those views, or to engage in any extended discussion of the questions then examined. It is not necessary that I should do so, since the argument is exhausted, and the popular mind is perfectly familiar with it in all its bearings. I will, however, with your permission, submit a few brief observations upon the absorbing topics of the day, and if I do so with an earnestness and emphasis due alike to the sincerity of ny convictions and to the magnitude of the interests involved, it is trusted that none will be offended, not even those who may most widely differ from me.

Could one, an entire stranger to our history, now look down upon the South, and see there a hundred or a hundred and fifty thousand men marching in hostile array, threatening the capture of the capital and the dismemberment of the territory of the republic; and could he look again and see that this army is marshalled and directed by officers recently occupying distinguished places in the civil and military service of the country; and further that the States from which this army has been drawn appear to be one vast, seething cauldron of ferocious passion, he would very naturally conclude that the Government of the United States had committed some great crime against its people, and that this uprising was in resistance to wrong and

outrages which had been borne until endurance | run the chances of sharing with others the honwas no longer possible. And yet no conclu- ors of the whole. sion could be further from the truth than this. The Government of the United States has been faithful to all its constitutional obligations. For eighty years it has maintained the national honor at home and abroad, and by its prowess, its wisdom, and its justice, has given to the title of an American citizen an elevation among the nations of the earth which the citizens of no republic have enjoyed since Rome was mistress of the world. Under its administration the national domain has stretched away to the Pacific, and that constellation which announced our birth as a people, has expanded from thirteen to thirty-four stars, all, until recently, moving undisturbed and undimmed in their orbs of light and grandeur. The rights of no States have been invaded; no man's property has been despoiled, no man's liberty abridged, no man's life oppressively jeopardized by the action of this Government. Under its benign influences the rills of public and private prosperity have swelled into rivulets, and from rivulets into rivers ever brimming in their fulness, and everywhere, and at all periods of its history its ministrations have fallen as gently on the people of the United States as do the dews of a summer's night on the flowers and grass of the gardens and fields.

The conspirators of the South read in the election of Mr. Lincoln, a declaration that the Democratic party had been prostrated, if not finally destroyed, by the selfish intrigues and corruptions of its leaders; they read, too, that the vicious, emaciated, and spavined hobby of the slavery agitation, on which they had so often rode into power, could no longer carry them beyond a given geographical line of our territory, and that in truth this factious and treasonable agitation, on which so many of them had grown great by debauching and denationalizing the mind of a people naturally generous and patriotic, had run its course, and hence, that from the national disgust for this demagoguing, and from the inexorable law of population, the time had come when all those who had no other political capital than this, would have to prepare for retirement to private life, so far at least as the highest offices of the country were concerned. Under the influence of these grim discouragements, they resolved to consummate at once-what our political history shows to have been a long cherished purpose the dismemberment of the Government. They said to themselves: "Since we can no longer monopolize the great offices of the Republic as we have been accustomed to do, we will destroy it and build upon its ruins an empire that shall be all our own, and whose spoils neither the North, nor the East, nor the West shall share with us." Deplorable and humiliating as this certainly is, it is but a rehearsal of the sad, sad story of the past. We had, indeed, supposed that under our Christian civil

ress, when a Republic could exist without having its life sought by its own offspring; but the Catilines of the South have proved that we were mistaken. Let no man imagine that, because this rebellion has been made by men renowned in our civil and military history, it is, therefore, the less guilty or the less courageously to be resisted. It is precisely this class of men who have subverted the best governments that have ever existed. The purest spirits that have lived in the tide of times, the

Whence, then, this revolutionary outbreak? Whence the secret spring of this gigantic conspiracy, which, like some huge boa, had completely coiled itself around the limbs and body of the republic, before a single hand was lifted to resist it? Strange, and indeed startling, as the announcement must appear when it falls on the ears of the next generation, the nationalization we had reached a point in human progtragedy, in whose shadow we stand to-night, has come upon us because, in November last, John C. Breckinridge was not elected President of the United States, and Abraham Lincoln was. This is the whole story. And I would pray now to know, on what John C. Breckinridge fed that he has grown so great, that a republic founded by Washington and cemented by the best blood that has ever coursed in human veins, is to be overthrown because, forsooth, he cannot be its President? Had he been chosen, we well know that we should not have heard of this rebel-noblest institutions that have arisen to bless lion, for the lever with which it is being moved would have been wanting to the hands of the conspirators. Even after his defeat, could it have been guaranteed, beyond all peradventure, that Jeff. Davis, or some other kindred spirit, would be the successor of Mr. Lincoln, I presume we hazard nothing in assuming that this atrocious movement against the Government would not have been set on foot. So much for the principle involved in it. This great crime, then, with which we are grappling, sprang from that "sin by which the angels fell"-an unmastered and profligate ambition-an ambition that "would rather reign in hell than serve in heaven"-that would rather rule supremely over a shattered fragment of the republic than

our race, have found among those in whom they had most confided, and whom they had most honored, men wicked enough, either secretly to betray them unto death, or openly to seek their overthrow by lawless violence. The Republic of England had its Monk; the Republic of France had its Bonaparte; the Republic of Rome had its Cæsar and its Catiline, and the Saviour of the world had his Judas Iscariot. It cannot be necessary that I should declare to you, for you know them well, who they are whose parricidal swords are now unsheathed against the Republic of the United States. Their names are inscribed upon a scroll of infamy that can never perish. The most distinguished of them were educated by the

charity of the Government on which they are now making war. For long years they were fed from its table, and clothed from its wardrobe, and had their brows garlanded by its honors. They are the ungrateful sons of a fond mother, who dandled them upon her knee, who lavished upon them the gushing love of her noble and devoted nature, and who nurtured them from the very bosom of her life; and now, in the frenzied excesses of a licentious and baffled ambition, they are stabbing at that bosom with the ferocity with which the tiger springs upon his prey. The President of the United States is heroically and patriotically struggling to baffle the machinations of these most wicked men. I have unbounded gratification in knowing that he has the courage to look traitors in the face, and that, in discharging the duties of his great office, he takes no counsel of his fears. He is entitled to the zealous support of the whole country, and may I not add without offence, that he will receive the support of all who justly appreciate the boundless blessings of our free institutions?

If this rebellion succeeds, it will involve necessarily the destruction of our nationality, the division of our territory, the permanent disruption of the Republic. It must rapidly dry up the sources of our material prosperity, and year by year we shall grow more and more impoverished, more and more revolutionary, enfeebled, and debased. Each returning election will bring with it grounds for new civil commotions, and traitors, prepared to strike at the country that has rejected their claims to power, will spring up on every side. Disunion once begun will go on and on indefinitely, and under the influence of the fatal doctrine of secession, not only will States secede from States, but counties will secede from States also, and towns and cities from counties, until universal anarchy will be consummated in each individual who can make good his position by force of arms, claiming the right to defy the power of the Government. Thus we should have brought back to us the days of the robber barons with their moated castles and marauding retainers. This doctrine when analyzed is simply a declaration that no physical force shall ever be employed in executing the laws or upholding the Government-and a Government into whose practical administration such a principle has been introduced, could no more continue to exist than a man could live with an angered cobra in his bosom. If you would know what are the legitimate fruits of secession, look at Virginia and Tennessee, which have so lately given themselves up to the embraces of this monster. There the schools are deserted; the courts of justice closed; public and private credit destroyed; commerce annihilated; debts repudiated; confiscations and spoliations everywhere prevailing; every cheek blanched with fear, and every heart frozen with despair; and all over that desolated land the hand of infuriated passion and crime is waving, with a vulture's scream

for blood, the sword of civil war. And this is the Pandemonium which some would have transferred to Kentucky!

But I am not here to discuss this proposition to-night. I wish solemnly to declare before you and the world, that I am for this Union without conditions, one and indivisible, now and forever. I am for its preservation at any and every cost of blood and treasure against all its assailants. I know no neutrality between my country and its foes, whether they be foreign or domestic; no neutrality between that glorious flag which now floats over us, and the ingrates and traitors who would trample it in the dust. My prayer is for victory, complete, enduring, and overwhelming, to the armies of the republic over all its enemies. I am against any and every compromise that may be proposed to be made under the guns of the rebels, while, at the same time, I am decidedly in favor of affording every reasonable guarantee for the safety of Southern institutions, which the honest convictions of the people-not the conspirators of the South may demand, whenever they shall lay down their arms, but not until then. The arbitrament of the sword has been defiantly thrust into the face of the Government and country, and there is no honorable escape from it. All guarantees and all attempts at adjustment by amendments to the Constitution, are now scornfully rejected, and the leaders of the rebellion openly proclaim that they are fighting for their independence. In this contemptuous rejection of guarantees, and in this avowal of the objects of the rebellion now so audaciously made, we have a complete exposure of that fraud which, through the slavery agitation, has been practised upon the public credulity for the last fifteen or twenty years. In the light of this revelation, we feel as one awakened from the suffocating tortures of a nightmare, and realize what a baseless dream our apprehensions have been, and of what a traitorous swindle we have been made the victims. They are fighting for their independence! Independence of what? Independence of those laws which they themselves have aided in enacting; independence of that Constitution which their fathers framed and to which they are parties, and subject by inheritance; independence of that beneficent Government on whose treasury and honors they have grown strong and illustrious. When a man commits a robbery on the highway, or a murder in the dark, he thereby declares his independence of the laws under which he lives, and of the society of which he is a member. Should he, when arraigned, avow and justify the offence, he thereby becoines the advocate of the independence he has thus declared; and, if he resists, by force of arms, the officer, when dragging him to the prison, the penitentiary, or the gallows, he is thereby fighting for the independence he has thus declared and advocated; and such is the condition of the conspirators of the South at this moment. It is no longer

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