of the Union? I answer as the patriotic Clay | one never known to the world, and never to be once answered, and as I know you will answer, known. "Never, never, never."

Asked "when I'd rend the scroll

Our fathers' names are written o'er,
When I would see our flag unroll

Its mingled Stars and Stripes no more
When, with worse than felon hand
Or felon counsels, I would sever
The Union of this glorious land?
I answer-never, never! never!!

Think ye that I could brook to see

The banner I have loved so long
Borne piecemeal o'er the distant sea;
Torn, trampled by a frenzied throng;
Divided, measured, parcelled out,
Tamely surrendered up forever,
To gratify a soulless rout

The Stripes and the Stars have long achieved a glorious name. They have been significant of power wherever they have waved, and commanded the respect and wonder of the world. And yet, in a State that owes so much to itwhose sons have so nobly and so often fought under it-it has been torn down, and vainly sought to be disgraced and conquered. Vain thought! Hear how a native poet speaks of it:

"Dread of the proud and beacon to the free,
A hope for other lands-shield of our own,
What hand profane has madly dared advance,
To your once sacred place, a banner strange,
Unknown at Bunker, Monmouth, Cowpens, York,
That Moultrie never reared, or Marion saw?"

foul abandonment of duty. I have now done, and in conclusion I ask you to do what I am sure you will cheerfully and devoutly do-fervently unite with me in invoking Heaven, in its mercy to us and our race, to interpose and keep us one people under the glorious Union our fathers gave us till time itself shall be no more.

Of traitors? Never, never! never!!" Independent of the great recollections asso- If the cannon maintains the honor of our ciated with it, the very country it embraces standard, and blood is shed in its defence, it shows its necessity, and promises and secures will be because the United States cannot perits immortality. Its mighty mountains, rang-mit its surrender without indelible disgrace and ing for hundreds of miles through continuous States; its noble bays, rivers, lakes, only to be prosperously or safely enjoyed under the protection of a common Government; commerce, with other nations, and among States, so vital to the welfare of all; differences of climate and soil and labor and productions, each best for itself, and all vital to the whole. The necessity of a power adequate to the protection of all, as well as of each—of a rank in the community of nations so high as to command respect, enforce rights and repel outrage, so important to all, demonstrates that God and nature intended us to be one.

Doc. 15.

JOHN ROSS'S PROCLAMATION.

I, JOHN Ross, principal Chief, hereby issue this my proclamation to the people of the Cherokee Nation, reminding them of the obligations arising under their treaties with the United States, and urging them to the faithful observance of said treaties, and peace and friendship toward the people of all the States. The better to attain these important ends, I earnestly impress on all my fellow-citizens the propriety of attending to their ordinary avocations, and to abstain from political discussions of the events transpiring in the States, and from partisan demonstrations in regard to the same.

But whilst these efforts are being made to preserve it, and citizens on all sides are being brought to a sense of reason and duty, what is to be done? Is civil war to commence? Certainly not, unless it be brought on by further outrages on the clearest constitutional rights. South Carolina has violently and most illegally, and, as loyalty says, traitorously, seized upon fortresses, the admitted property of the United States, bought and constructed with their money, and for their protection, and with her consent, and now threatens to seize the rest. They should not be alarmed with false reBut one other, Fort Sumter, is left. It stands ports, thrown into circulation by designing men, protected by the national flag, and its defence, but cultivate harmony among themselves, and and the honor of the Nation, are, thank God, observe good faith and strict neutrality between in the keeping of a faithful and gallant soldier. the States threatened with civil war. With The name of ANDERSON already enjoys an these means alone can the Cherokee people anticipated immortality. Is that fortress to be hope to maintain their own rights unimpaired, surrendered? Is he to be abandoned? Forbid and have their own soil and firesides spared it, patriotism! Is that flag that now floats so from the hateful effects of devastating war. proudly over him and his command-the pledge There has not been a declaration of war beof his country's confidence, support, and power, tween the opposing parties, and the conflict to succumb to the demands of an ungrateful, may yet be avoided with a compromise or a revolting State, or to be conquered by its supe- peaceable separation. The peculiar circumrior accidental power? I say, no, no-a thou- stances of their condition admonish the Cherosand times no. The fortress must at all hazards kees to the exercise of prudence in regard to a be defended-the power of the National Stand-state of affairs to the existence of which they ard preserved, and the national fame maintained. This has been already sadly neglected, no doubt with good motives, but from misplaced confidence. It recently covered other spots that know it not now. Its place is supplied by

VOL. II.-Doc. 11

have in no way contributed, and they should avoid the performance of any act, or the adop tion of any policy, calculated to destroy or endanger their territorial and civil rights. With an honest adherence to this course, they can

The Constitution has instituted two great of ficers of equal Rank, and the Nation at large, in pursuance of it, have created two officers: one, who is the first of the two equals, is placed at the head of the Executive; the other at the head of the Legislative. If a Governor has Rank of one, he must of course of both. This would give a decided superiority to the State Governments, and annihilate the sovereignty of the National Government. It is a thing so clear, that nobody this way has doubted it None will ever doubt it, but those who wish to annui the National Government.

termine a question about facts. The Governors | force them into another which would be worse of Pennsylvania and New York have decidedly than the disease, i. e., into an entire reliance on yielded precedence, both to the President and the popular Branch, and a rejection of the Vice-President. The Governor of Pennsylvania other two. A remarkable instance of this I has even yielded it to a Senator. The foreign lately read with much concern, in the message Ambassadors and all Companies give place to of the Governor to the House. The attention the Vice-President next to the President, and and affections of the people are there turned to to both before all the rest of the world. It is their Representatives only, and very artfully etiquette that governs the world. If the pre- terrified with the phantoms of Monarchy and cedence of the President, and, consequently, Despotism. Does he mean to intimate that Vice-President, is not decidedly yielded by there is danger of a Despotism? or of simple every Governor upon the Continent, in my Monarchy? or would he have the People afraid opinion Congress had better disperse and go of a limited Monarchy? In truth, Mr. H. home. For my own part I am resolved, the [IIancock] himself is a limited monarch. The moment it is determined that any Governor is Constitution of Massachusetts is a limited monto take rank either of President or V.-P., I will archy. So is the new Constitution of the quit and go home; for it would be a shameful United States. Both have very great monarchdeceit and imposition upon the People to hold ical powers, and the real defects of both are, out to them hopes of doing them service, when that they have not enough to make the first I shall know it to be impossible. If the People magistrate an independent and effectual balance are so ignorant of the Alphabet as to mistake to the other Branches. But does Mr. H. mean A for B and B for C, I am sure, while that ig- to confound these limited monarchical powers norance remains, they will never be learned with Despotism and simple Monarchy which enough to read. It is Rank that decides Au- have no limits? Does he wish and mean to thority. level all things, and become the rival of General Shays? The idea of an equal distribution of intelligence and property is as extravagant as any that ever was avowed by the maddest of the insurgents. Another instance of the false coin, or, rather, paper money in circulation, is the phrase "Confederated republic," and "Confederated Commonwealth." The new Constitution might, in my opinion, with as much propriety be denominated judicial Astrology. My old friend, your Lieut.-Governor, in his devout ejaculation for the new Government, very carefully preserves the idea of a confederated Commonwealth, and the independent States that compose it. Either his ideas or mine are totally wrong upon this subject. In short, Mr. A. [Samuel Adams] in his prayer, and Mr. H. in his message, either understood not the force of the words they have used, or they have made the most insidious attack on the new Constitution that has yet appeared. With two such popular characters at the head of MassaNothing, since my return to America, has chusetts, so near to Rhode Island; with Govalarmed me so much as those habits of fraud ernor Clinton at the head of New York, and in the use of language, which appear in conver Governor Henry in Virginia, so near to North sation and in public writings. Words are em- Carolina, there is some reason to be jealous. ployed like paper money, to cheat the widow A convulsion with such men engaged openly, and the fatherless and every honest man. The or secretly, in favor of it, would be a serious word Aristocracy is one instance, tho' I cannot evil. I hope, however, that my fears are say that there is no colour for the objection groundless, and have too much charity for all against the Constitution, that it has too large a of them to imagine that they mean to disturb proportion of Aristocracy in it. Yet there are the peace of our Israel. two checks to the Senate evidently designed and prepared-the House of Representatives on one side and the President on the other. Now the only feasible remedy against this danger is to complete the equilibrium by making the Executive power distinct from the Legislative, and the President as independent of the other Branches as they are of him. But the cry of monarchy is kept up, in order to deter the People from recurring to the true remedy, and to

I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend, JOHN ADAMS. His Honour Lt.-Governor Lincoln.

NEW YORK, June 19, 1789. DEAR SIR-I am honoured with yours of the 30th of May, and find we are well agreed in opinion in all points.

With great regard,

General Lincoln.

I am, Sir, your most obt.
JOHN ADAMS.
-Boston Advertiser, June 19,

Doc. 20.

THE TWENTY-FIRST N. Y. REGIMENT..
THE following is a list of the officers:
Colonel, William F. Rogers; Lieutenant-

Colonel, Adrain R. Root; Major, William H. | country. I have no words to utter, or rather Drew; Adjutant, Charles W. Sternberg; Chaplain, John E. Robie; Surgeon, Chas. H. Wilcox; Assistant Surgeon, Joseph A. Peters; Quartermaster, Henry P. Clinton.

Captains:-Robert P. Gardner, Henry M. Gaylord, Jeremiah P. Washburn, William C. Alberger, James C. Strong, George D. W. Clinton, Edward L. Lee, Edward L. Hayne, Horaco G. Thomas, and John M. Layton.

National Intelligencer, Juno 20.

Doc. 21.

SENATOR JOHNSON'S SPEECII,

AT CINCINNATI, O., JUNE 19. FELLOW-CITIZENS:-In reply to the cordial welcome which has just been tendered to me, through your chosen organ-in reply to what has been said by the gentleman chosen by you to bid me welcome to Cincinnati-I have not language adequate to express my feelings of gratitude. I cannot find language to thank you for the tender of good fellowship which has been made to me on the present occasion. I came here without any expectation that such a reception was in store for me. I had no expectation of being received and welcomed in the language, I may say the eloquent and forcible language of your chosen organ. I am deserving of no such tender.

I have words which will not give utterance to the feelings that I entertain on this occasion. (Applause.) I feel, to-day, a confidence, in my own bosom, that the cordiality and the sympathy and the response that comes here from the people of Ohio is heartfelt and sincere. I feel that in reference to the great question now before the people, those whom I see before me are honest and sincere. (Applause.) I repeat again, and for the third time, that I have no language in which I can express my gratitude to you, and at the same time, for which I can express my devotion to the principles of the Constitution and the flag and emblem of our glorious Union of States. (Applause.)

I know that there has been much said about the North, much said about the South. I am proud, here to-day, to hear the sentiments and the language which have been uttered in reference to the North and the South, and the relations that exist between these two sections. (Applause.) I am glad to hear it said in such a place as this that the pending difficulties-I might say the existing war-which are now upon this country do not grow out of any animosity to the local institution of any section. (Applause.) I am glad to be assured that it grows out of a determination to maintain the glorious principles upon which the Government itself rests-the principles contained in the Constitution-and at the same time to rebuke and to bring back as far as may be practicable, within the pale of the Constitution, those individuals, or States even, who have taken it upon themselves to exercise a principle and doctrine at war with all government, with all association-political, moral, and religious. (Applause.)

I might conclude what little I am going to say by merely responding to, and endorsing every single sentence uttered on this occasion in welcoming me in your midst. (Applause.) For myself, I feel that while I am a citizen of a Southern State-a citizen of the South and of the State of Tennessee, I feel at the same time that I am also a citizen of the United I mean the doctrine of secession, which is States. (Applause.) Most cordially do I re- neither more nor less than a heresy-a fundaspond to what has been said in reference to the mental error-a political absurdity, coming in maintenance of the Constitution of the United conflict with all organized Government, with States, in all its bearings, in all its principles every thing that tends to preserve law and order therein contained. The Constitution of the in the United States, or wherever else the odious United States lays down the basis upon which and abominable doctrine may be attempted to the Union of all the States of this Confederacy be exercised. I look upon the doctrine of secan and may be maintained, and preserved, if cession as coming in conflict with all organism, it be literally and faithfully carried out. (Ap-moral and social. I repeat, without regard to plause.) So far as I am concerned, feeling that am a citizen of the Union-that I am a citizen of the United States, I am willing to abide by that Constitution. I am willing to live under a Government that is built upon and perpetuated upon the principles laid down by the Constitution, which was formed by Washing-ment can stand, no religious, or moral, or social ton and his compeers, after coming from the heat and strife of bloody revolution. (Applause.)

I repeat, again, that I have not language adequate to express my gratitude for the appreciation of the kindness which has been manifested in regard to my humble self. I cannot sufficiently thank you for the manifestation of your appreciation of the course I have pursued, in regard to the crisis which is now upon this

the peculiar institutions of the respective States composing this Confederacy; without regard to any Government that may be found in the future or exists in the present, this odious doctrine of secession should be crushed out, destroyed, and totally annihilated. No Govern

organization can stand, where this doctrine is tolerated. (Applause.) It is disintegrationuniversal dissolvement-making war upon every thing that has a tendency to promote and ameliorate the condition of the mass of mankind. (Applause.) Therefore I repeat, that this odious and abominable doctrine-yon must pardon me for using a strong expression I do not say it in a profane sense-but this doctrine I conceive to be, hell-born and hell

bound, and one which will carry every thing in its train, unless it is arrested and crushed out from our midst. (Great Applause.)

| that States coming into the Confederacy, that individuals living in the Confederacy, under the Constitution, have no right nor authority, upon their own volition, to set the laws and the Constitution aside, and to bid defiance to the authority of the Government under which they live. (Applause.)

In response to what has been said to me here to-day, I confess when I lay my hand upon my bosom, I feel gratified at hearing the sentiments that have been uttered-that we are all willing to stand up for the constitu- I substantially cited the best authority that tional rights guaranteed to every State, every could be produced upon this subject, and took community-that we are all determined to stand this position during the last session of Conup for the prerogatives secured to us in the gress. I stand here to-day before you and adConstitution as citizens of States composing one vocate the same principles I then contended grand Confederacy, whether we belong to the for. As early as 1833, (let me here say that I North or to the South, to the East or to the am glad to find that the Committee which have West. I say that I am gratified to hear such waited upon me on this occasion, and have sentiments uttered here to-day. I regard them presented to me their sentiments through their as the most conclusive evidence that there is organ-I am glad to find that they represent no disposition on the part of any citizens of the all the parties among which we have been diloyal States, to make war upon any peculiar vided ;)-as early as 1833, I say, I forined my institution of the South, (applause,) whether it opinions in reference to this doctrine of secesbe slavery or any thing else-leaving that in- sion in the nullification of the laws of the Unitstitution, under the Constitution, to be con-ed States. I held these doctrines up to the trolled by time, circumstances, and the great year 1850, and I maintain them still. (Aplaws which lie at the foundation of all things plause.) which political legislation can control. (Applanse.)

I entertained these opinions, as I remarked before, down to the latest sitting of Congress, and I then reiterated them. I entertain and express them here to-day. (Applause.)

back, what was that struggle? Senator Douglas of the State of Illinois was a candidate. His friends presented him as the best Union man. I shall speak upon this subject in reference to my position. Mr. Breckinridge's friends presented him to the people as the Union candidate.

While I am before you, my countrymen, I am in hopes it will not be considered out of place for ine to make a single remark or two, In this connection, I may be permitted to rein reference to myself as connected with the mark that, during our last struggle for the present crisis. My position in the Congress of Presidency, all parties contended for the preserthe United States during its last session, is, Ivation of the Union. Without going further suppose, familiar to most, if not all of you. You know the doctrine I laid down then, and I can safely say that the opinions I entertain now on the questions of the day, are as they were then. I have not changed them. I have seen no reason to change them. I believe that a Government without the power to enforce its I was one of Mr. Breckinridge's laws, made in conformity with the Constitu- friends. The Bell men presented the claims of tion, is no Government at all. (Applause.) We the Hon. John Bell of Tennessee for the Presihave arrived at that point or that period in our dency, upon the ground that he was the best national history, at which it has become neces-Union candidate. The Republican party, so far sary for this Government to say to the civilized, as well as to the pagan world, whether it is in reality a Government, or whether it is but a pretext for a Government. If it has power to preserve its existence, and to maintain the principles of the Constitution and the laws, that time has now arrived.

as I understand them, have always been in favor of the Union. Then here was the contest; between four candidates presented to the consideration of the people of the United States. And the great struggle between them and their advocates was, who was entitled to pre-eminence as a man in favor of the preservation of the Union of these States.

If it is a Government, that authority should be asserted. I say, then, let the civilized world Now where do we find ourselves? In times see that we have a Government. Let us dispel gone by, you know we had our discussions and the delusion under which we have been laboring our quarrels. It was bank and anti-bank quessince the inauguration of the Government in tions, tariff and anti-tariff, internal improve1789-let us show that it is not an ephemeral ment and anti-internal improvement, or the institution; that we have not imagined that distribution of the money derived from the sale we had a Government, and when the test of public lands, among the several States. Such came, that the Government frittered away be- measures as these we presented to the people, tween our fingers and quickly faded in the dis- and the aim in the solution of all was how best tance. (Applause.) The time has come when to preserve the Union of these States. One the Government reared by our fathers should party favored the measures as calculated to assert itself, and give conclusive proof to the promote the welfare of our common country; civilized world that it is a reality and a perpe- another opposed them, to bring about the same tuity. (Applause.) Let us show to other na-result. Then what was the former contest? tions that this doctrine of secession is a heresy; Bringing it down to the present times, there