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ages, as well in peace as in war; and therefore address themselves with pecuar force to the favorable consideration of the Government. This corps is not sufficiently numerous for the discharge of the duties required of it, and the additional expenditures, rendered necessary by this state of things, exed the amount demanded by the proposed augmentation. Independently, Lowever, of the absolute economy, which would result from the adoption of this measure, it is called for by other and not less forcible considerations. All experience proves that a corps organized upon military principles, is mare responsible, more efficient, and better governed, than individuals can be, who are united by different and ordinary associations. Causes are put in operation which necessarily produce emulation, professional pride, and aited action. The character of the corps is dear to every individual, and each becomes identified with its prospects and reputation. Officers, temporarily assigned to topographical duties, cannot be expected to feel the same nterest in the prosecution of these labors which they would do if they were constituent members of the corps, and looking forward to it for advancement in professional standing, as well as in military rank. Many officers, however, are thus occasionally employed, and, were they not so, much of this branch of the public interest would remain unexecuted. An efficient and increased organization, fully adequate to the duties of the corps, may be effected without any addition to the public expenditure. For the details of such a plan, I beg leave to refer to the report of the officer temporarily in charge of that bureau.

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There is probably no class of officers under the Government, whose compensation is more inadequate to their services, than that of the medical staff of the army. There are but two grades, surgeon and assistant surgeon, in and the pay of the former is forty-five dollars, and the pay of se latter is forty dollars per month.

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The prospect of gradual and continued promotion, held out to the other alized, becomes its just reward. Of this the medical officers are deprived; acers of the army, is a powerful incentive to good conduct, and, when rer the slight difference of rank and pay, at present existing, is scarcely worthy of consideration. The nature of their profession, requiring time, experience, and pecuniary means, for its acquisition; the responsible and ardaus services demanded of them; the relation, not always a pleasant one, which they stand to the line of the army; and I may add, in justice to this meritorious class of officers, their general capacity, respectability, and good conduct, entitle them to a higher rate of compensation; and I indulge

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the hope, that their claims will be favorably considered.

I trust, will prove salutary to the health and morals of the troops. In In the subsistence of the army an important change has been made, which, Tea of the spirituous liquor, which formerly composed a part of each ration,

commutation was some time since established, by which its value was paid

to each soldier in money; but, at the same time, he had permission to puryou have recently authorized, substitutes coffee and sugar for the commutacase this destructive article from the sutler of the post. The regulation tion previously established. Four pounds of coffee and eight pounds of sugar are hereafter to be issued with every one hundred rations. And, at the same number of rations, instead of the beans which have formed a conhose posts, where the troops prefer it, ten pounds of rice are allowed to vitent portion of the subsistence of the soldier. From a comparative estimate furnished by the Commissary General, it appears that this alteration

in the component parts of the ration, will add but two mills and four-ten to its cost, and will increase the whole amount of the army subsistence b sum not exceeding six thousand dollars--an expenditure not to be rega ed, when the benefits resulting from it are taken into view. Simultaneo ly with this arrangement, a regulation was adopted, prohibiting the sale spirituous liquor by the sutlers to the troops, and its introduction, under a circumstances, into the camps and forts of the United States, with the e ception of the hospital stores, and of the quantity necessary to issue und that provision of the law which allows an extra gill to every soldier, enga ed in fatigue duty. No authority to dispense with this is vested in the E ecutive, and Congress alone can interpose the necessary remedy. I am sa isfied the great cause of public morals, as well as the discipline and efficien of the army, would be promoted by an entire abolition of these issues, and cannot but hope, that the legislative authority will be exerted for that pu pose. An addition of three cents to the sum allowed for extra daily labor would be more than an adequate pecuniary compensation for the deprivatio herein recommended, and would increase, but in a very inconsiderable de gree, the public expenditure.

A very partial knowledge of the actual condition of our army, is sufficien to satisfy the most superficial observer, that to habits of intemperance may be traced almost all the evils of our military establishment. These need n enumeration, that an adequate conception may be formed of their nature and consequences. But it is time, that an enemy, so insidious and destructive were met and overcome; that all palliatives were abandoned; and that a system of exclusion, of entire, unconditional, exclusion, were introduced and enforced. Every just consideration of policy and morality requires this measure, and public opinion is certainly prepared for, and would approve it. I earnestly recommend the subject to your most favorable con

sideration.

I beg leave to refer you to the accompanying report of the officer in charge of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, for a detailed statement of the operations and condition of that branch of the public service.

Among the southern and southwestern Indians, no event has occurred 10 disturb the relations, existing between them and the United States. The settled policy of the Government, to induce the Indians to remove beyond the limits of the respective States and Territories, where this can be done upon reasonable terms, and with their free consent, has been steadily kept in view. The objects and necessity of that policy are so clearly stated in the message of the President of the United States to Congress, of December 2, 1828, that I take the liberty of drawing your attention to those remarks:

"In the practice of European States," says President Adams, before our revolution, they, (the Indians,) had been considered as children, to be governed; as tenants at discretion, to be dispossessed as occasion might require; as hunters, to be indemnified, by trifling concessions, for removal from the grounds, upon which their game was extirpated. In changing the system, it would seem as if a full contemplation of the consequences of the change had not been taken. We have been far more successful in the acquisition of their lands, than in imparting to them the principles, or inspiring them with the spirit, of civilization. But, in appropriating to ourselves their hunting grounds, we have brought upon ourselves the obligation of providing them with subsistence; and, when we have had the rare good fortune of teaching them the arts of civilization, and the doctrines of

christianity, we have unexpectedly found them forming, in the midst of urselves, communities, claiming to be independent of ours, and rivals of Sovereignty within the territories of the members of the Union. This state of things requires that a remedy should be provided-a remedy which, while it shall do justice to these unfortunate children of nature, may secure to the members of our confederation their rights of sovereignty and of soil. As the outline of a project to that effect, the views presented in the report of the Secretary of War are recommended to the consideration of Con

gress."

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While some of our citizens," says General Porter, in the very able report here referred to, who are the advocates of primitive and imprescriptible rights, in their broadest extent, contend that these tribes are independent nations, and have the sole and exclusive right to the property and government of the territories they occupy, others consider them as mere tenants at will, like the buffalo of the prairies, to be hunted from their country whenever it may suit our interest or convenience to take possession of it. These views of their rights and disabilities are equally extravagant and unjust; but, the misfortune is, that the intermediate line has never been drawn by the Governmest. Nothing can be more clear to one who has marked the progress population and improvement, and is conversant with the principles of human action, than that these Indians will not be permitted to hold the reservations, on which they live, within the States, by their present tenure, for any considerable period. If, indeed, they were not disturbed in their possessions by us, it would be impossible for them long to subsist, as they have heretofore done, by the chase, as their game is already so much diminished as to render it frequently necessary to furnish them with provisions, in order to save them from starvation. In their present, destitute and deplorable condition, and which is constantly growing more helpless, it would seem to he not only the right, but the duty of the Government, to take them under its paternal care, and to exercise over their persons and property the salutary rights and duties of guardianship.

The most prominent feature in the present policy of the Government, as connected with these people, is to be found in the efforts that are making to remove them beyond the limits of the States and organized Territories. A very extensive tract of country, lying to the west and north of the Arkansas Territory, has lately been set apart for the colonization of the

Indians."

"Let such of the emigrating Indians as choose it, continue, as heretofore, to devote themselves to the chase in a country where their toils will be amply rewarded. Let those who are willing to cultivate the arts of civilization, be formed into a colony, consisting of distinct tribes or comlaws, which shall reach the whole. Let the lands be apportioned among mannies, but placed contiguous to each other, and connected by general which we hold ours, with perhaps some temporary and wholesome re

straints on the

power

of alienation.

laws adapted to a state of civilization."

In

Assist them in forming a code of

regard to such Indians, as shall still remain within the States and

Territories, and refuse to emigrate, let an arrangement be made with the proper authorities of the States in which they are situated, for partitioning

out to them, in severalty, as much of their respective reservations as shall be amply sufficient for agricultural purposes. Set apart a tract proportion

ed in size to the number of Indians to remain, in common, as a refuge provision for such as may, by improvidence, waste their private prope and subject them all to the municipal laws of the State in which they res Let the remainder of the reservation be paid for by those, who hold paramount right, at such prices as shall be deemed, in reference to the 1 which Indians are accustomed to make of it, reasonable, and the proce be applied for the benefit of those of the tribe, who emigrate after th establishment in the colony, or be divided between those who emigrate a those who remain, as justice may require."

To the views, herein presented, of the condition of the Indians, of t prospects which await them, and of the only efficient remedy in their pow to seek, or in that of the Government to apply, I take the liberty of addi my own testimonial, founded on an intimate intercourse with them eighteen years, both personal and official, under every variety of cireur stances, in peace and war, and in very remote regions, as well as with The principles laid down in these extracts are su our own settlements. stantially the same as those which now regulate the Government in all the transactions with the Indians, when the question of their permanent estab lishment or removal is brought under discussion. So far as respects th emigrating Indians, this will clearly appear by reference to the instruction of the commissioners, now engaged in the adjustment of all the unsettle matters connected with the great plan of colonization. With regard, how ever, to those Indians, who refuse to remove, it has not been deemed ex pedient for the Government, by its own act, either to partition out to them the land necessary for their support, or to decide upon the considera tion to be allowed for the residue, and to direct its appropriation. This, so far as regards the General Government, has been, and continues to be, the subject of conventional arrangement, in which the parties, by mutual discussion and compromise of opinion, arrive at a satisfactory result. In these arrangements, where the parties desire it, adequate tracts of land in fee. with temporary and wholesome restraints" upon the right to sell, are secured to all who desire to remain. That this system of "guardianship" is, however, founded upon a just and intimate knowledge of Indian character, no one acquainted with that character will question. I need not now inquire, whether a practical resort to the principles resulting from it will ever become necessary. If it should, no doubt every arrangement, which justice and humanity call for, will be liberally made.

In your message to the Senate, of February 22, 1830, you explained your views of the question of jurisdiction over the Indian tribes living within the respective States and Territories, and stated that, in your opinion. and in the words of the above report, they were "subject to the municipal laws of the State in which they reside," in all cases where such laws were extended over them.

The progress of events since 1828 has confirmed, if confirmation were wanting, the correctness of these principles, and their adaptation to the actual and prospective condition of the Indians. The circle of civilization and improvement has extended, and various tribes have retired, or are retiring, before it. The experience of the four years, which have intervened, does not furnish one consolatory hope, that the insulated bands, who have reserved and occupy tracts surrounded by our settlements, can permanently retain these positions, and prosper. There are moral, political, and physical causes, all in operation, which cannot be controlled, and which forbid such

expectation. And, in fact, the whole history of our intercourse with our primitive people teaches no one lesson more important than this; and it will be fortunate for their prosperity, and for our responsibility, if, in its practical application, both parties should become satisfied, that the system provided by the act of May 28, 1830, offers the only rational prospect of a durable and happy residence for the Indians. A few individuals, almost always half breeds and their connexions, engrossing the intelligence and means of each of these small communities, and too often without regard to the rights or fate of others, may become assimilated to our institutions, and eventually planted among us with safety. But this should never be permitted at the sacrifice of more important interests, and to the utter disregard of the fate, which awaits the unfortunate mass of these tribes, persuaded, or almost compelled to remain where they must rapidly decline, and at length disappear. And the causes, which enact this law are not less obvious in their origin, than they are certain in their operation. Their progress is onward; and, regret them, as we may and must, no human power can arrest their march, or avert their consequences. The effort has been made for gererations, and in every mode that wisdom or philanthropy could suggest; and yer, in not one solitary instance, has it produced any permanent and general beneficial effect. And we may survey our whole cultivated territory in the vain expectation of discovering one aboriginal community, however small, which has withstood the ceaseless pressure of civilization, and which holds out the slightest prospect of moral or physical improvement, or even of eventual subsistence, for the great body of the individuals composing it. If such a community exist it is unknown to me; and, in fact, if one is believed to exist, it is only by those, who are unacquainted with its actual condition, and with the internal history of its wants, its dissensions, and its oppres

sions.

The act of Congress of May 28, 1830, created a barrier, beyond which the dispersed remnants of our various Indian tribes may be collected and preserved. The provisions of that act are plain, salutary, and comprehensive. It is a solemn national declaration, containing pledges, which neither the Government nor the country will suffer to be violated. It secures to the Indians, for ever, the undisputed possession and control of the region alloited to them, and makes such arrangements as are essential to the subsistence, safety, and comfortable establishment, of the colonists. No similar attempt has ever been heretofore made, and therefore no unfavorable deduc tions can be drawn from the failure of preceding efforts, having in view the same general object. but endeavoring to attain it by far different means. Nó organized government exists, or can exist, to assert jurisdiction over these tribes, and treaties of cession are incompatible with the whole basis of the plan of settlement.

All the testimony before this department concurs in representing the country assigned for a land of refuge, as abundantly extensive and fertile. for the support of the Indians, and as presenting in its climate, its animal and agricultural productions, and its general circumstances, features admirably adapted to their situation and wants. Important benefits are anticipated from the act of the last session, authorizing the appointment of commissioners to visit the several tribes west of the Mississippi, and to arrange the Tarious interesting and unsettled questions, arising out of the new relations, which the system of emigration has created. A majority of these commissioners, it is supposed, is now in that region, engaged in the performance of

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