its population, and the best part of that population are the cultivators of the Independent farmers are every where the basis of society, and true friends of liberty.

In addition to these considerations, questions have already arisen, and y be expected hereafter to grow out of the public lands, which involve the rights of the new States and the powers of the General Government; and, unless a liberal policy be now adopted, there is danger that these questions may speedily assume an importance not now generally anticipated. The infuence of a great sectional interest, when brought into full action, will be sound more dangerous to the harmony and union of the States than any other cause of discontent; and it is the part of wisdom and sound policy to foresee is approaches, and endeavor, if possible, to counteract them.

Of the various schemes which have been hitherto proposed in regard to te disposal of the public lands, none has yet received the entire approbation of the National Legislature. Deeply impressed with the importance of a speedy and satisfactory arrangement of the subject, I deem it my duty, on this occasion, to urge it upon your consideration; and, to the propositions which have been heretofore suggested by others, to contribute those reflections which have occurred to me, in the hope that they may assist you in ? your future deliberations.

It seems to me to be our true policy that the public lands shall cease, as soon as practicable, to be a source of revenus, and that they be sold to settlers, in limited parcels, at a price barely sufficient to reimburse to the United States the expense of the present system, and the cost arising under our Indian

pacts. The advantages of accurate surveys and undoubted titles, now secured to purchasers, seem to forbid the abolition of the present system, because none can be substituted which will more perfectly accomplish these Important ends. It is desirable, however, that, in convenient time, this achinery be withdrawn from the States, and that the right of soil, and the are disposition of it, be surrendered to the States, respectively, in which

1 lies.

The adventurous and hardy population of the west, besides contributing their equal share of taxation under our impost system, have, in the progress of our Government, for the lands they occupy, paid into the Treasury large proportion of forty millions of dollars, and, of the revenue received herefrom, but a small part has been expended amongst them. When, to the disadvantage of their situation in this respect, we add the consideration at it is their labor alone which gives real value to the lands, and that the proceeds arising from their sale are distributed chiefly among States which had not originally any claim to them, and which have enjoyed the undivided emolument arising from the sale of their own lands, it cannot be expected that the new States will remain longer contented with the present policy, after the payment of the public debt. To avert the consequences which may be apprehended from this cause, to put an end for ever to all partial and interested legislation on this subject, and to afford to every American citizen of enterprise, the opportunity of securing an independent freehold, it seems to me, therefore, best to abandon the idea of raising future revenue out of the public lands.

In former messages, I have expressed my conviction that the constitution does not warrant the application of the funds of the General Government to bjects of internal improvement which are not national in their character, and, both as a means of doing justice to all interests, and putting an end to a course of legislation calculated to destroy the purity of the Government,

have urged the necessity of reducing the whole subject to some fixed certain rule. As there never will occur a period, perhaps, more propit than the present to the accomplishment of this object, I beg leave to p the subject again upon your attention..

Without some general and well defined principles ascertaining those jects of internal improvement to which the means of the nation may constitutionally applied, it is obvious that the exercise of the power can ver be satisfactory. Besides the danger to which it exposes Congres making hasty appropriations to works of the character of which they be frequently ignorant, it promotes a mischievous and corrupting influe upon elections, by holding out to the people the fallacious hope that success of a certain candidate will make navigable their neighboring cr or river, bring commerce to their doors, and increase the value of their p perty. It thus favors combinations to squander the treasure of the coun upon a multitude of local objects, as fatal to just legislation as to the pur of public men.

If a system compatible with the constitution cannot be devised, which free from such tendencies, we should recollect that that instrument provi within itself the mode of its amendment; and that there is, therefore, no e euse for the assumption of doubtful powers by the General Government. those which are clearly granted shall be found incompetent to the ends of creation, it can at any time apply for their enlargement; and there is no pr bability that such an application, if founded on the public interest, will ev be refused. If the propriety of the proposed grant be not sufficiently app rent to command the assent of three-fourths of the States, the best possib reason why the power should not be assumed, on doubtful authority, is a forded; for, if more than one-fourth of the States are unwilling to mak the grant, its exercise will be productive of discontents which will far ove balance any advantages that could be derived from it. All must admit th there is nothing so worthy of the constant solicitude of this Government, the harmony and union of the people.

Being solemnly impressed with the conviction that the extension of th power to make internal improvements beyond the limit I have suggested, eve if it be deemed constitutional, is subversive of the best interests of our country I earnestly recommend to Congress to refrain from its exercise in doubtfu cases, except in relation to improvements already begun, unless they shal first procure from the States such an amendment of the constitution as wil define its character, and prescribe its bounds. If the States feel themselves competent to these objects, why should this Government wish to assume the power? If they do not, then they will not hesitate to make the grant. Both Governments are the Governments of the people: improvements must be made with the money of the people; and if the money can be collected, and applied by those more simple and economical political machines, the State Governments, it will, unquestionably, be safer and better for the people than to add to the splendor, the patronage, and the power, of the General Government. But if the people of the several States think otherwise, they will amend the constitution, and, in their decision, all ought cheerfully to acquiesce.

For a detailed and highly satisfactory view of the operations of the War Department, I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of

War.

The hostile incursions of the Sac and Fox Indians necesarily led to the interposition of the Government. A portion of the troops, under Gene

rals Scott and Atkinson, and of the militia of the State of Illinois, were called into the field. After a harrassing warfare, prolonged by the nature of the country, and by the difficulty of procuring subsistence, the Indians were entirely defeated, and the disaffected band dispersed or destroyed. The result has been creditable to the troops engaged in the service. Severe as is the lesson to the Indians, it was rendered necessary by their unprovoked aggressions; and it is to be hoped that its impression will be permanent and salutary.

This campaign has evinced the efficient organization of the army, and its capacity for prompt and active service. Its several departments have performed their functions with energy and despatch, and the general movement was satisfactory.

Our fellow citizens upon the frontiers were ready, as they always are, in the tender of their services in the hour of danger. But a more efficient organization of our militia system is is essential to that security which is one of the principal objects of all Governments. Neither our situation nor our institutions, require or permit the maintenance of a large regular force. History offers too many lessons of the fatal result of such a measure, not to warn us against its adoption here. The expense which attends it, the obvious tendency to employ it because it exists, and thus to engage in unneces sary wars, and its ultimate danger to public liberty, will lead us, I trust, to place our principal dependence for protection upon the great body of the citizens of the republic. If, in asserting rights or in repelling wrongs, war should come upon us, our regular force should be increased to an extent proportioned to the emergency, and our present small army is a nucleous around which such force could be formed and embodied. But, for the purposes of defence, under ordinary circumstances, we must rely upon the electors of the country. Those by whom, and for whom, the Government was instituted, and is supported, will constitute its protection in the hour of danger, as they do its check in the hour of safety.

But it is obvious that the militia system is imperfect. Much time is lost, much unnecessary expense incurred, and much public property wasted, under the present arrangement. Little useful knowledge is gained by the rusters and drills as now established, and the whole subject evidently requires a thorough examination. Whether a plan of classification, remedying these defects, and providing for a system of instruction, might not be adapted, is submitted to the consideration of Congress. The constitution has vested in the General Government an independent authority upon the subject of the militia, which renders its action essential to the establishment or improvement of the system, and I recommend the matter to your consideration, in the conviction that the state of this important arm of the public defence requires your attention.

I am happy to inform you that the wise and humane policy of transferring from the eastern to the western side of the Mississippi the remnants of our aboriginal tribes, with their own consent, and upon just terms, has been steadily pursued, and is approaching, I trust, its consummation. By reference to the report of the Secretary of War, and to the documents submitted with it, you will see the progress which has been made since your last session, in the arrangement of the various matters connected with our Indian relations. With one exception, every subject involving any question of conflicting jurisdiction, or of peculiar difficulty, has been happily disposed of, and the conviction evidently gains ground among the Indians, that their

removal to the country assigned by the United States for their perma residence, furnishes the only hope of their ultimate prosperity.

With that portion of the Cherokees, however, living within the Sta Georgia, it has been found impracticable, as yet, to make a satisfactory justment. Such was my anxiety to remove all the grounds of compl and to bring to a termination the difficulties in which they are invol that I directed the very liberal propositions to be made to them which company the documents herewith submitted. They cannot but have in these offers the evidence of the strongest disposition, on the part of Government, to deal justly and liberally with them. An ample indem was offered for their present possessions, a liberal provision for their fu support and improvement, and full security for their private and polit rights. Whatever difference of opinion may have prevailed respecting just claims of these people, there will probably be none respecting the 1 rality of the propositions, and very little respecting the expediency of th immediate acceptance. They were, however, rejected; and thus the p tion of these Indians remains unchanged, as do the views communicated my message to the Senate, of February, 1831.

I refer you to the annual report of the Secretary of the Navy which companies this message, for a detail of the operations of that branch of service during the present year.

Besides the general remarks on some of the transactions of our nav presented in the view which has been taken of our foreign relations seize this occasion to invite to your notice the increased protection whi it has afforded to our commerce and citizens on distant seas, without any au mentation of the force in commission. In the gradual improvement of i pecuniary concerns, in the constant progress in the collection of materia suitable for use during future emergencies, and in the construction of vessel and the buildings necessary to their preservation and repair, the preser state of this branch of the service exhibits the fruits of that vigilance an care which are so indispensable to its efficiency. Various new suggestion contained in the annexed report, as well as others heretofore submitted t Congress, are worthy of your attention; but none more so than that urgin the renewal, for another term of six years, of the general appropriation for the gradual improvement of the navy.

From the accompanying report of the Postmaster General, you will als perceive that that department continues to extend its usefulness without im pairing its resources, or lessening the accommodations which it affords in the secure and rapid transportation of the mail.

I beg leave to call the attention of Congress to the views heretofore expressed in relation to the mode of choosing the President and Vice President of the United States, and to those respecting the tenure of office generally. Still impressed with the justness of those views, and with the belief that the modifications suggested on those subjects, if adopted, will contribute to the prosperity and harmony of the country, I earnestly recommend them to your consideration at this time.

"

I have heretofore pointed out defects in the law for punishing official frauds, especially within the District of Columbia. It has been found almost impossible to bring notorious culprits to punishment, and, according to a decision of the court for this District, a prosecution is barred by a lapse two years after the fraud has been committed. It may happen again, as it as already happened, that during the whole two years, all the evidences of the fraud may be in the possession of the culprit himself. However proper

the limitation may be in relation to private citizens, it would seent hat it ought not to commence running in favor of public officers until they go out of office.

The judiciary system of the United States remains imperfect. Of the nine western and southwestern States, three only enjoy the benefits of a circuit court. Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, are embraced in the general system; but Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, have only district courts. If the existing system be a good one, why should it not be extended? If it be a bad one, why is it suffered to exist? The new States were promised equal rights and privileges when they came into the Union, and such are the guarantees of the constitution. Nothing can be more obvious than the obligation of the General Government to place all the States on the same footing, in relation to the administration of justice, and I trust this duty will be neglected no longer.

On many of the subjects to which your attention is invited in this communication, it is a source of gratification to reflect that the steps to be now adopted are uninfluenced by the embarrassments entailed upon the country by the wars through which it has passed. In regard to most of our great interests, we may consider ourselves as just starting in our career, and, after a salutary experience, about to fix, upon a permanent basis, the policy best calelated to promote the happiness of the people, and facilitate their progress towards the most complete enjoyment of civil liberty. On an occasion so interesting and important in our history, and of such anxious concern to the friends of freedom throughout the world, it is our imperious dutyto lay aside all selfish and local considerations, and be guided by a lofty spirit of devotion to the great principles on which our institutions are founded.

That this Government may be so administered as to preserve its efficiency in promoting and securing these general objects, should be the only aim of our ambition; and we cannot, therefore, too carefully examine its structure, in order that we may not mistake its powers, or assume those which the people have reserved to themselves, or have preferred to assign to other agents. We should bear constantly in mind the fact that the considerations which induced the framers of the constitution to withhold from the General Government the power to regulate the great mass of the business and concerns of the people, have been fully justified by experience; and that it cannot now be doubted that the genius of all our institutions prescribes simplicity and economy as the characteristics of the reform which is yet to be effected in the present and future execution of the functions besto ved upon us by the constitution.

Limited to a general superintending power to maintain peace at home and abroad, and to prescribe laws on a few subjects of general interest, et calculated to restrict human liberty, but to enforce human rights, this Government will find its strength and its glory in the faithful discharge (f these plain and simple duties. Relieved by its protecting shield from the fear of war and the apprehension of oppression, the free enterprise of our itizens, aided by the State sovereignties, will work out improvements and ameliorations which cannot fail to demonstrate that the great truth, that the people can govern themselves, is not only realized in our example, but tl at it is done by a machinery in government so simple and economical as scarcely to be felt. That the Almighty Ruler of the universe may so direct our deliberations, and overrule our acts, as to make us instrumental in securing a result so dear to mankind, is my most earnest and sincere prayer. ANDREW JACKSON.

December 4, 1832.