troops actually raised, had in fact exceeded the liberal authority of Congress, and it was for that body to decide if the force should be reduced to the contemplated standard. to its defense when dangers beset it. By reference to the records of the Revolution it will be seen that Massachusetts, with a population of 350,000, had at one time 56,000 troops in the field, or over one"It is said of Napoleon by Jomini," sixth of her entire people-a force greatcontinues the report of the Secretary, ly exceeding the whole number of troops "that in the campaign of 1815, that furnished by all the Southern States durgreat General on the 1st of April had a ing that war. Should the present loyal regular army of 200,000 men. On the States furnish troops in like proportion, 1st of June he had increased this force which undoubtedly would be the case to 414,000. The proportion, adds Jom- should any emergency demand it, the ini, 'had he thought proper to inaugu-government could promptly put into the rate a vast system of defense, would field an army of over three millions. It have raised it to 700,000 men by the gives me great satisfaction to refer to the 1st of September.' At the commence- creditable degree of discipline of our ment of this rebellion, inaugurated by troops, most of whom were, but a short the attack upon Fort Sumter, the entire time since, engaged in the pursuits of military force at the disposal of this Gov-peace. They are rapidly attaining an ernment was 16,000 regulars, principally efficiency which cannot fail to bring sucemployed in the west to hold in check marauding Indians; 75,000 volunteers were called upon to enlist for three months' service, and responded with such alacrity that 77,875 were immediately obtained. Under the authority of the act of Congress of July 22, 1861, the States were asked to furnish 500,000 volunteers to serve for three years, or during the war; and by the act approved the 29th day of the same month, the addition of 25,000 men to the regular army of the United States was authorized. The result is that we have now an army of upwards of 600,000 men. If we add to this the number of the discharged three months' volunteers, the aggregate force furnished to the Government since April last exceeds 700,000 cess to our arms. Officers and men alike evince an earnest desire to accomplish themselves in every duty of the camp and field, and the various corps are animated by an emulation to excel each other in soldierly qualities." In speaking of the actual progress of the war thus far, the Secretary characterized the interval of seven months which had passed as a season of preparation, reminding the people of the vast undertaking before them. The conspiracy against the Government extended over an area of 736,144 square miles, possessing a coast line of 3,523 miles, and a shore line of 25,414 miles, with an interior boundary line of 7,031 miles in length. This conspiracy stripped us of arms and munitions, and scattered our navy to the most distant quarters of the globe. The effort to restore the Union, which the Government entered on in April last, was the most gigantic endeavor in the history of civil war." For obvious causes, he added, "the history of this rebellion in common with all others records the first successes in favor of the insurgents. The disaster of Bull Run was but the natural consequence of the premature advance of our brave but A NEW BOUNDARY FOR VIRGINIA. undisciplined troops, which the impatience of the country demanded. The betrayal also of our movements by traitors in our midst enabled the rebels to choose and intrench their position, and by a reënforcement in great strength, at the moment of victory, to snatch it from our grasp. The other successes of the rebels, though dearly won, were mere affairs, with no important or permanent advantages. The possession of Western Virginia and the occupation of Hatteras and Beaufort have nobly redeemed our transient reverses." Passing over various matters of detail in reference to the conduct of the war, respecting organization, military communications, equipments and the like, we come to a remarkable speculation in Secretary Cameron's report, in regard to the territory of Virginia. The suggestion is of interest as an effort to relieve the great state problem of the security of the Capital of some of its pressing difficulties. "The geographical position of the metropolis of the nation, menaced by the rebels, and required to be defended by thousands of our troops, induces me to suggest for consideration the propriety and expediency of a reconstruction of the boundaries of the states of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. Wisdom and true statesmanship would dictate that the seat of the National Government, for all time to come, should be placed beyond reasonable danger of seizure by enemies within, as well as from capture by foes from without. By agreement between the States named, such as was effected, for similar purposes, by Michigan and Ohio, and by Missouri and Iowa, their boundaries could be so changed as to render the Capital more remote than at present from the influence of State governments which have arrayed themselves in rebellion against the federal authority. To this end, the limits of Virginia might be so altered as to make her boundaries consist of the Blue Ridge on the east and Pennsylvania on the north, leaving 193 those on the south and west as at present. By this arrangement, two counties of Maryland (Alleghany and Washington) would be transferred to the jurisdiction of Virginia. All that portion of Virginia which lies between the Blue Ridge and Chesapeake Bay could then be added to Maryland, while that portion of the peninsula between the waters of the Chesapeake and the Atlantic, now jointly held by Maryland and Virginia, could be incorporated into the State of Delaware. A reference to the map will show that these are great natural boundaries, which, for all time to come, would serve to mark the limits of these States. To make the protection of the Capital complete, in consideration of the large accession of territory which Maryland would receive under the arrangement proposed, it would be necessary that that State should consent so to modify her constitution as to limit the basis of her representation to her white population. In this connection it would be the part of wisdom to re-annex to the District of Columbia that portion of its original limits which by act of Congress was retroceded to the State of Virginia." There was another novel passage of the report, however, which perhaps being of a more practical, and as it was thought, dangerous character than this parceling of an old State, met with decided opposition at the start. It was the concluding portion in regard to the disposition of the slaves of rebels thrown by the fortune of war within the national lines. As originally written in the Report and forwarded to the northern newspapers in advance of the presentation of the document to Congress, the passage thus stood:-"It has become a grave question for determination, what shall be done with the slaves abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into Southern territory, as in the Beaufort district of South Carolina. The whole white population therein is 6,000, while the number of negroes exceeds 32,000. The panic which drove their the rebellion, while he yet had a seat in masters in wild confusion from their the Senate of the United States, that the homes, leaves them in undisputed pos- Southern States would be comparatively session of the soil. Shall they, armed by safe and free from the burdens of war, their masters, be placed in the field to if it should be brought on by the confight against us, or shall their labor be templated rebellion, and that boast was continually employed in reproducing the accompanied by the savage threat that means for supporting the armies of re- Northern towns and cities would become bellion? The war into which this Gov- the victims of rapine and military spoil,' ernment has been forced by rebellious and that 'Northern men should smell traitors is carried on for the purpose of Southern gunpowder and feel Southern repossessing the property violently and steel.' No one doubts the disposition of treacherously seized upon by the ene- the rebels to carry that threat into exemies of the Government, and to reëstab- cution. The wealth of Northern towns lish the authority and laws of the United and cities, the produce of Northern States in the places where it is opposed forms, Northern workshops and manuor overthrown by armed insurrection and factories, would certainly be seized, derebellion. Its purpose is to recover and stroyed, or appropriated as military spoil. defend what is justly its own. War, No property in the North would be even between independent nations, is spared from the hands of the rebels, and made to subdue the enemy, and all that their rapine would be defended under belongs to that enemy, by occupying the the laws of war. While the loyal States hostile country, and exercising dominion thus have all their property and possesover all the men and things within its sions at stake, are the insurgent rebels territory. This being true in respect to to carry on warfare against the Governindependent nations at war with each ment in peace and security to their own other, it follows that rebels who are la- property? Reason and justice and selfboring by force of arms to overthrow a preservation forbid that such should be Government, justly bring upon them-the policy of this Government, but deselves all the consequences of war, and provoke the destruction merited by the worst of crimes. That Government would be false to national trust, and would justly excite the ridicule of the civilized world, that would abstain from the use of any efficient means to preserve its own existence, or to overcome a rebellious and traitorous enemy, by sparing or protecting the property of those who are waging war against it. "The principal wealth and power of the Rebel States is a peculiar species of property, consisting of the service or labor of African slaves, or the descendants of Africans. This property has been variously estimated at the value of from $700,000,000 to $1,000,000,000. Why should this property be exempt from the hazards and consequences of a rebellious war? It was the boast of the leader of mand, on the contrary, that, being forced by traitors and rebels to the extremity of war, all the rights and powers of war should be exercised to bring it to a speedy end. Those who make war against the Government justly forfeit all rights of property, privilege, or security, derived from the Constitution and laws, against which they are in armed rebellion; and as the labor and service of their slaves constitute the chief property of the rebels, such property should share the common fate of war to which they have devoted the property of loyal citizens. "While it is plain that the slave property of the South is justly subjected to all the consequences of this rebellious war, and that the Government would be untrue to its trust in not employing all the rights and powers of war to bring it SECRETARY CAMERON ON THE SLAVES OF REBELS. 195 that time and circumstance will solve, and need not be anticipated further than to repeat that they cannot be held by the Government as slaves. It would be useless to keep them as prisoners of war; and self-preservation, the highest duty of a government, or of individuals, demands that they should be disposed of or employed in the most effective manner that will tend most speedily to suppress the insurrection and restore the authority of the Government. If it shall be found that the men who have been held by the rebels as slaves are capable of bearing arms and performing efficient military service, it is the right, and may become the duty, of the Government to arm and equip them, and employ their services against the rebels, to a speedy close, the details of the plan for doing so, like all other military measures, must, in a great degree, be left to be determined by particular exigencies. The disposition of other property belonging to the rebels that becomes subject to our arms is governed by the circumstances of the case. The Government has no power to hold slaves, none to restrain a slave of his liberty, or to exact his service. It has a right, however, to use the voluntary service of slaves liberated by war from their rebel masters, like any other property of the rebels, in whatever mode may be most efficient for the defense of the Government, the prosecution of the war, and the suppression of the rebellion. It is as clearly a right of the Government to arm slaves when it may become neces-under proper military regulation, discisary as it is to use gunpowder taken from the enemy. Whether it is expedient to do so is purely a military question. The right is unquestionable by the laws of war. The expediency must be determined by circumstances, keeping in view the great object of overcoming the rebels, reëstablishing the laws, and restoring peace to the nation. It is vain and idle for the Government to carry on this war, or hope to maintain its existence against rebellious force, without employing all the rights and powers of war. As has been said, the right to deprive the rebels of their property in slaves and slave labor, is as clear and absolute, as the right to take forage from the field, or cotton from the warehouse, or powder and arms from the magazine. To leave the enemy in the possession of such property as forage and cotton and military stores, and the means of constantly reproducing them, would be madness. It is, therefore, equal madness to leave them in peaceful and secure possession of slave property, more valuable and efficient to them for war, than forage, cotton, and military stores. Such policy would be national suicide. What to do with that species property, is a question pline, and command. But in whatever manner they may be used by the Government, it is plain that, once liberated by the rebellious act of their masters, they should never again be restored to bondage. By the master's treason and rebellion he forfeits all right to the labor and service of his slave; and the slave of the rebellious master, by his service to the Government, becomes justly entitled to freedom and protection. The disposition to be made of the slaves of rebels, after the close of the war, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the loyal slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the Constitution of the country." Before, however, reaching Congress, this important exposition of the rights and duties of war, as they presented themselves to the busy intelligence of the Secretary, underwent a very considerable modification. Congress was to meet on Monday the 2d of December. On Saturday the Secretary presented his Report to the President, and on Sunday afternoon mailed it, according to custom, on the day preceding the reading of the Navy:-"In the coastwise and blockading duties of the navy it has been not unfrequent that fugitives from insurrectionary places have sought our ships for refuge and protection, and our naval commanders have applied to me for instruction as to the proper disposition which should be made of such refugees. My answer has been that, if insurgents, they should be handed over to the cus contrary, they were free from any voluntary participation in the rebellion and sought the shelter and protection of our flag, then they should be cared for and employed in some useful manner, and might be enlisted to serve on our public vessels or in our navy yards, receiving wages for their labor. If such employment could not be furnished to all by the navy, they might be referred to the army, and if no employment could be found for them in the public service, they should be allowed to proceed freely and peaceably without restraint to seek a livelihood in any loyal portion of the country. This I have considered to be the whole required duty, in the premises, of our naval officers." Message it was to accompany to the principal papers of the North and West. The President, on reading the Report, thought that the Secretary had outrun discretion in offering his suggestion or recommendation; premature at least, in regard to the military use of the negroes. He accordingly sent for the Secretary and required the suppression of the obnoxious passage. This Mr. Cameron refused to do, whereupon the President re-tody of the Government; but if, on the solved to strike out all relating to the emancipation and arming of the slaves, which he did, retaining the few following sentences only :-"It is already a grave question what shall be done with those slaves who are abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into Southern territory, as at Beaufort district in South Carolina. The number left within our control at that point is very considerable, and similar cases will probably occur. What shall be done with them? Can we afford to send them forward to their masters, to be by them armed against us, or used in producing supplies to maintain the rebellion? Their labor may be useful to us; withheld from the enemy it lessens his military resources, and withholding them has no endency to induce the horrors of insurrection, even in the rebel communities. They constitute a military resource, and being such, that they should not be turned over to the enemy is too plain to discuss. Why deprive him of supplies by a blockade, and voluntarily give him men to produce supplies ?" The two harmless concluding sentences as to the disposition of the slaves by Congress were left untouched. Mr. Welles' report exhibited an activity in his Department proportioned to that displayed in the military service To the 76 vessels of all ranks composing the Navy at the time of his entrance upon office, 136 vessels mounting 518 guns, more than half of them steam vessels, had been added by purchase, while 14 screw sloops, 23 gunboats, 12 sidewheel, and 3 iron-clad steamers, carrying in all 256 guns, were in process of construction. All of the fifty-two new It was observed that while this deli-vessels ordered to be built were steamcacy was shown in the suppression of ers, the Secretary pronouncing "steam the suggestions of the Secretary of War, as well as heavy ordinance an indispena similar recommendation of the disposable element of the most efficient naval sition and employment of the fugitive power." The number of seamen in the negroes in the naval service, in the re- service had increased three fold. It was port of the Secretary, Mr. Welles, was in March, as we have stated, 7,600; it suffered to pass unquestioned. This was was now not less than 22,000. the language of the Secretary of the The work before the Department in |