PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S MESSAGE. 187 commendation was not forgotten, that "in view of the foreign dangers necessarily attending domestic difficulties, adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defences on every side." Reviewing the domestic affairs of the country, the President glanced at its seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those adopting them. The disloyal citizens of the United States, who have offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have received less patronage and encour-present financial condition, leaving the agement than they probably expected. calculations for the future to the head If it were just to suppose, as the insur- of the Treasury department. A single gents have seemed to assume, that for- statement marks the position of affairs: eign nations in this case, discarding all The revenue from all sources, including moral, social, and treaty obligations, loans for the financial year ending on would.. act solely and selfishly for the the 30th June, 1861, was $86,835,900, most speedy restoration of commerce, and the expenditures for the same period, including especially the acquisition of including payments on account of the cotton, those nations appear as yet not public debts, were $84,578,034. For to have seen their way to their object the first quarter of the financial year more directly or clearly through the de- ending on the 30th September, 1861, struction than through the preservation the receipts from all sources, including of the Union. If we could dare to be- the balance of July 1st, were $102,532,lieve that foreign nations are actuated 509, and the expenses $98,239,723. | by no higher principle than this, I am The expenditures of one quarter durquite sure a second argument could be ing a period of war were thus considermade to show them that they can reach ably in excess of the entire previous their aim more readily and easily by aid-year. The progress of the war was ing to crush this rebellion than by giv- briefly described-the achievements of ing encouragement to it. The principal the navy, the preservation of Western lever relied on by the insurgents for ex- Virginia, the decision in favor of the citing foreign nations to hostility against Union of Maryland, Kentucky, and Misus, as already intimated, is the embar- souri. "The cause of the Union," he rassment of commerce. Those nations, said, "is advancing steadily and cerhowever, not improbably saw from the tainly southward." Various matters confirst that it was the Union which made nected with the administration of jusas well our foreign as our domestic com- tice, the efficiency of the Department, and merce. They can scarcely have failed other topics of domestic policy were reto perceive that the effort for disunion ferred to Congress; among them the produces the existing difficulty, and that project of a military railway connecting one strong nation promises more durable the loyal regions of East Tennessee and peace, and a more extensive, valuable, Western North Carolina with Kentucky and reliable commerce, than can the and other parts of the Union, an imporsame nation broken into hostile frag- tant measure looking to the pacification ments." With these pregnant hints were and further industrial interests of a vast coupled the reflection, the hope "that it district marked out by nature for the would appear that we have practiced development of free labor. With simiprudence and liberality toward foreign lar benefits in view the nation was conpowers, averting causes of irritation, and gratulated at the organization, "under with firmness maintaining our own rights auspices truly gratifying, when it is conand honor;" while the prudential re-sidered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new coun- A passage in reference to the confistries when the federal officers arrived cation act of the recent session of Conthere, of the Territories created by the gress is noticeable for its suggestion of last Congress, of Colorado, Dacotah, and a measure which became afterward a Nevada." The retirement of General prominent subject of discussion-the furScott was appropriately alluded to with therance of a system of colonization for a suggestion of some further mark of re- the disposal of negroes liberated by the cognition of his services. "During his war or by concert with some of the long life the nation has not been unmind-slaveholding States; while the suggesful of his merit; yet on calling to mind tion with which it was coupled of re how faithfully, ably, and brilliantly he has muneration by Congress for the slaves served the country, from a time far back set free, paved the way for the plans of in our history, when few of the now living compensated emancipation afterward so had been born, and thenceforward contin- strongly urged by the President. "Unually, I cannot but think that we are still der and by virtue of the act of Congress his debtor." Of the appointment of Gen. entitled an Act to confiscate property McClellan as the successor of Gen. Scott, it used for insurrectionary purposes, apwas said, "It is a fortunate circumstance proved August 6, 1861, the legal claims that neither in council nor country was of certain persons to the labor and serthere, so far as I know, any difference of vice of certain other persons have become opinion as to the proper person to be se- forfeited, and numbers of the latter thus lected. The retiring chief repeatedly ex-liberated are already dependent on the pressed his judgment in favor of General McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is, therefore, in a considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be giv-case I recommend that Congress provide en him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised, and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country. It has been said that one bad General is better than two good ones; and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than that an army is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at variance and cross purposes with each other. And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can have but a common end in view, and can differ only as to the choice of means. In a storm at sea, no one on board can wish the ship to sink; and yet, not unfrequent-colonization. To carry out the plan of ly, all go down together, because too many will direct and no single mind can be allowed to control." United States and must be.provided for in some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own benefits respectively, and by the operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such for accepting such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation in lieu pro tanto of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed on with such States respectively, that such persons on such acceptance by the General Government be at once deemed free, and that in any event steps be taken for colonizing both classes, or the one first mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence, at some place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in such colonization may involve the acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended in the us. COLONIZATION OF THE AFRICAN RACE. 189 territorial acquisition. Having practiced anxious and careful that the inevitable the acquisition of territory for nearly sixiy conflict for this purpose shall not degenyears, the question of constitutional pow-erate into a violent and remorseless rever to do so is no longer an open one with olutionary struggle. I have, therefore, The power was at first questioned in every case, thought it proper to keep by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the the integrity of the Union prominent as purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scru- the primary object of the contest on our ples on the plea of great expediency. If part, leaving all questions which are not it be said that the only legitimate object of vital military importance to the more of acquiring territory is to furnish homes deliberate action of the legislature. In for white men, this measure effects that the exercise of my best discretion I have object, for the emigration of colored men adhered to the blockade of the ports leaves additional room for white men re- held by the insurgents instead of putting maining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, in force, by proclamation, the law of however, placed the importance of pro- Congress enacted at the late session for curing Louisiana more on political and closing those ports. So, also, obeying commercial grounds than on providing the dictates of prudence, as well as the room for population. On this whole obligations of law, instead of transcendproposition, including the appropriation ing, I have adhered to the act of Conof money with the acquisition of terri- gress to confiscate property used for intory, does not the expediency amount to surrectionary purposes. If a new law absolute necessity, that without which the upon the same subject shall be proposed, Government cannot be perpetuated ?" its propriety will be duly considered. The Union must be preserved; and hence, all indispensable means must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable." A recommendation was also thrown out exhibiting the desire of a liberal policy toward the African race where it had established governments of its own. "If any good cause exists," it was said, "why we should persevere longer in withholding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am unable to discover it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining a chargé d'affaires near each of those new states. It does not admit of doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with them." In these and other matters the President evidently desired to exercise the authority entrusted to him with moderation, with an eye to the welfare of the whole country, and with the least possible violence to existing institutions. "The war," said he, continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing the insurrection I have been The most elaborate part of the Message was an effort to present the essential elements of the war, underlying the assumptions of the South of the elevation of a dominant aristocracy in relation to the superior rights and interests of the people. It appeared to be a question with the President not so much of the abolition of slavery as of the preservation of that freedom to all with which the system of the South was at variance. In fact, the war, in the President's mind, involved a great principle of popular rights in the maintenance of the honor and dignity of labor against the pretensions of Southern economists striving for an embodiment of their theories in new institutions by the power of the sword. This was his argument brought out, without reference to Adam Smith and his followers in political sci ence, but rather from his own experience and observation of life. "It continues to develop," said he, "that the insurrection is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the first principles of popular government-the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In these documents we find the abridgment of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislative body, advocated with labored arguments to prove that large control of the government in the people is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. "It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point with its connections not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital, that nobody labors unless somebody else owning capital somehow by the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or what we call slaves; and further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both of these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are groundless. Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital and deserves much the higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of a community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither class-neither work for others, nor have others work for them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their fami lies, wives, sons, and daughters work for themselves on their own farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one hand nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor with capital; that is, they labor with their own hands and also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in these states, a few years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, A GLANCE INTO THE FUTURE. 191 had roundly estimated the men called to arms or at the command of the Government, including the three months' volun Of and then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous sys-teers, at 310,000, a vast number to be tem which opens the way to all, gives reported in so short a period as that hope to all, and consequent energy and which intervened between the attack progress and improvement of the condi- upon Sumter and the next anniversary tion of all. No men living are more of the national Day of Independence. worthy to be trusted than those who toil Large as that aggregate was considered up from poverty, none less inclined to then, it was now, after an interval of take or touch aught which they have not only five months, more than doubled. honestly earned. Let them beware of The estimated strength of the army for surrendering a political power which the war was 660,971, and to this was to they already possess, and which, if sur- be added 77,878 three months' men. rendered, will surely be used to close the force enlisted for the war the Infanthe door of advancement against such try numbered 568,383; Cavalry 59,398; as they, and to fix new disabilities and Artillery 24,688; Rifles and Sharpshootburdens upon them till all of liberty ers 8,395; Engineers 107. New York shall be lost." furnished the largest number of volunThe Message closed with an encourag-teers sent by any one State, namely, ing glance into the future:-" From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy years; and we find our population, at the end of the period, eight times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things which men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have, at one view, what the popular principle, applied to government through the machinery of the states and the Union, has produced in a given time, and also what, if firmly maintained, it promises for the future. There are already among us those who, if the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain two hundred and fifty millions. The struggle of today is not altogether for to-day-it is for a vast future also. With a firm reliance on Providence, all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us" The report of the Secretary of War, Cameron, exhibited the extraordinary progress which had been made in the collection of a great army. It showed an array of figures which a twelve month before would have been thought fabulous. At the meeting of Congress in July he 100,200; Pennsylvania came next, 94,760; Ohio, 81,205; Illinois, 80,000; Massachusetts, 26,760, and the rest in like generous proportion. The slaveholding States Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri furnished an aggregate of 58,130, no inconsiderable army in itself. The Secretary of course congratulated the country on such a proof of the patriotism of the people. The call authorized by Congress for half a million of men had been promptly made, and "so numerous were the offers that it was found difficult to discriminate in the choice, where the patriotism of the people demanded that there should be no restriction upon enlistments. Every portion of the loyal States desired to swell the army, and every community was anxious that it should be represented in a cause that appealed to the noblest impulses of our people. So thoroughly aroused was the national heart that I have no doubt this force would have been swollen to a million had not the department felt compelled to restrict it, in the absence of authority from the representatives of the people to increase the limited number." The number of |