metropolis of my native country, and under the auspices of the municipal authorities of this flourishing city. Nevertheless, I answer that my seeming indifference to the cordial welcome would argue me guilty, not merely of caprice in regard to my fellow citizens, but of ingratitude to the Divine Being whose goodness has permitted me again to enter the circle of true patriots and of endeared and lifetried friends.

"In the eastern regions, from which we have derived the revelations of divine truth, a paralysis rests upon society, which leaves little else to be noted than those monuments of Christian faith which none can study without grateful emotions. I have been able on many occasions to compare the existing condition of society in Europe with what existed there twenty-five years ago, when I had the fortune to visit the eastern continent.

"I think that I can safely say that society-all the nations-on that continent are more prosperous now than they have ever been before, and are making decided progress in all substantial improvements. But it is manifest that the institutions of government existing there are either too ancient, or were founded on ancient principles, and are not adapted to the exigencies of the present day.

"Therefore it is that every country in Europe is balancing between the desire for beneficial changes and the fear of innovation. Our own system, constructed later and under better and happier auspices, alone seems to afford its citizens freedom from such difficulties and such apprehensions.

"It must always be difficult to determine how far we can lend encouragement to those who seek to reform the institutions of their own country, even when there is hope of benefit to them as a people. But this we can always do: we can conduct our internal affairs and our foreign relations with truth, candor, justice and moderation, and thus commend our better system to other nations. This republic may prove to them that its system of government is founded upon public virtue, that as a people we are at unity among ourselves, and that we are seeking only by lawful means to promote the welfare of mankind."

Addressing the committees and the citizens generally, in reply to an address by Judge Peabody on their behalf, he said:

"My memory gives back the recollections of May last, when you accompanied me to the steamer on the occasion of my departure abroad. I know not how much I am indebted to that manifestation of cordiality for the friendly reception. which met me in all the countries which I visited, which was so grateful to my feelings. But no day was so pleasant to me as the one which brought me to my native country

"In the Old World I saw much to admire, much to appreciate; but not so much as there is to admire in the prosperity of my native land. I had visited England a quarter of a century ago. I was asked on this visit whether I had seen signs of change and improvement. To this I replied that I had; and was asked whether there had not been changes and improvements in my own country. I replied, with pride, 'Yes.' Twenty-six years ago, I left London built of stone, and New York was built of brick. Now, London and Paris are indeed both of stone-New York of marble."

His route home was a triumphal procession. At every place on the way, from New York to Auburn, bonfires, cannon, and speeches awaited his arrival. His reception in Auburn was such as could have been prepared and given only by sincere and devoted friends to a loved fellow citizen and cherished benefactor. The railroad depot and the streets of the city through which he passed, were thronged with people. The military, the city officials, and the children of the public schools, bearing banners-"Welcome to Senator Seward"— accompanied him to his house.

At the gates of his residence, he met the clergymen of every denomination in the town, waiting to take him by the hand and welcome him home. Mr. Seward, it was observed, was more deeply affected by this scene than any through which he had passed. He was able to return their hearty greeting only in silence, as he passed through the line they had formed, into his house.

His reply to an address made to him by Michael S. Myers, Esq., on behalf of the people, at the railroad depot, was a spontaneous and familiar talk with his friends.

"It is true," he said, "as you have reminded me, that I have reached another stage in a journey that has occupied eight months of time and covered ten thousand miles of space--the last stage-a stage beyond which I can go no further. Although in this journey I have traversed no small portions of four continentsEurope, Africa, Asia and America-it is not until now, that I have found the place which, above all others, I admire the most and love the best. This place, this very spot on which you stand, and I stand among you, is indeed the one point on the globe, which, wherever else I may be, draws me back by an irresistible spell; the place where, when I rest, I must dwell-the only place where I can be content to live, and content, when life's fitful fever shall be over, to die.

"It is the spot cherished in my affections above and beyond all others—above and beyond the spot where I was born-above and beyond the scenes in which I was educated-adorned and marked as those localities of my early life are, by mountain and river, by blue skies and genial climes-it is a spot cherished by me above and beyond the scenes of any severe labor-of any arduous achievementand if I may use the expression without offense, of any personal successes. I love it more than the capital of my native state, although in that capital I have borne the baton of civil authority, confided to me by three millions of a free, brave and enlightened people. I love it more than even the senate chamber of the great confederate Republic of which we are all citizens—although in that senate chamber I am authorized with one other representative to pronounce the will of the leading member of that confederacy. I should not despair of vindicating this preference by comparing the natural advantages, and the social development of

the valley of the Owasco, with those of any other place you or I have ever known. Lakes, meadows, waterfalls, fields, forests are here, which are nowhere surpassed; and comfort, ease, intelligence, enterprise and morals, that may justly challenge comparison in any part of the globe.

"But I will be candid, and confess that my partiality stands upon a simpler and more natural logic. I prefer this place because it is my place. You may as well be candid, also, and confess that you like it best, because it is your place. It is true, my excellent friends, that persons abroad who do not know this attractive spot so familiarly as we do, criticise it sometimes with severity. They point to those dark, massive prison walls, which are just before me, and tell us that they mar the beauty and detract from the graces of our city. But you and I never see those walls, or, if we do, they appear to us only as the boundaries of a field of active labor, productive industry, and benevolent instruction. So, sometimes these distant critics are pleased to say that they think that I, who now stand before you, am not an object worthy of any such consideration as you are now bestowing on me, and you, I am sorry to say, do not seem to be much affected by that objection.

"I prefer this place, because it is the only one where I am left free to act in an individual and not in a representative and public character. Whatever I may be elsewhere, here I am never either a magistrate or a legislator, but simply a citizen —a man—your equal and your like-nothing more, nor less, nor different."

During Mr. Seward's absence (on the 16th of October, 1859), Captain John Brown with twenty-one men, armed with muskets and pikes, invaded the state of Virginia and took possession of the town of Harper's Ferry. Their avowed object was to liberate the slaves of Virginia. After getting control of the railroad passing through the town, and of the United States armory established there, Brown was compelled to surrender to a detachment of United States marines, with a loss of thirteen of his men. He and six others were captured, severely wounded and forthwith tried and executed for murder and treason.

This strange event caused a deep excitement throughout the country. The enemies of Mr. Seward and of the republican party endeavored to make him and the party responsible for the acts of Captain Brown. But the attempt most signally failed.

Immediately, on the assembling of Congress, Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in the senate, moved for a committee, with almost unlimited authority and power, to investigate the whole transaction. After a protracted examination of numerous witnesses, the committee, con sisting of Senators Mason, Fitch, Jefferson Davis, Doolittle and Collamer, made a report absolving all persons, except Brown and

his men, from any connection with the invasion. The following is an extract from the majority report, signed by Messrs. Mason, Fitch and Davis:

"On the whole testimony, there can be no doubt that Brown's plan was to commence a servile war on the borders of Virginia, which he expected to extend, and which he believed his means and resources were sufficient to extend through that state and the entire south. It does not seem that he entrusted even his intimate friends with his plans fully, even after they were out for execution."

The elections in all the free states, except California, in the autumn of 1859, resulted favorably to the republicans, notwithstanding the efforts of their opponents to excite odium and prejudice against the party by alleging its complicity with the raid of John Brown. In New York, the republicans succeeded in electing a legislature nearly three to one in their favor, and most of their state ticket by flattering majorities. Pennsylvania also chose an opposition legislature and opposition state officers. Minnesota, for the first time, was republican, securing an additional republican senator in the United States senate. Ohio also reversed the majority in her legislature, which chose Salmon P. Chase, senator, at its ensuing session. In Kansas the people, having rejected the Lecompton constitution, decided by a large majority to call a convention to frame a new state constitution. This convention met at Wyandotte, in July, and adopted a constitution which was submitted to and approved by the people of Kansas in October following. At the state election held under this constitution, in December, Charles Robinson, the republican candidate, was elected governor, with a representative to congress and other officers of the same politics.

The territorial legislature having previously repealed the spurious and offensive laws of the territory, passed an amnesty act for political offenses, and a bill abolishing slavery in Kansas. The last named act was defeated by the failure of Governor Medary to sign it.' On the night of the adjournment a bonfire was made of all the odious laws repealed during the session.

In the territory of Nebraska, the republicans elected their candidate for delegate to congress by a majority of the legal votes. The territorial legislature passed an act, in the words of the ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slavery in the territory, forever. This act was

1At the next session, in January, 1860, a similar act was passed over the governor's veto.

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vetoed by the federal governor. In Oregon the result was so close that the majority was claimed by both parties.

In California, only, were the friends of the administration successful. In that state, the election was contested with unusual bitterness. Senator Broderick addressed the people at various times during the canvass, severely denouncing the policy and conduct of the president and his supporters. Among the latter was Judge Terry, who, on the close of the election, challenged Senator Broderick to fight a duel. A hostile meeting took place on the 13th of September, and on the first fire Mr. Broderick was fatally wounded. His untimely death produced a very deep and wide-spread feeling of sorrow and regret. A large portion of the people believed his dying declaration:

They have killed me because I was opposed to the extension of slavery and a corrupt administration."

No notice of his death was taken in either house of congress until after Mr. Seward had returned from Europe and resumed his seat in the senate. His brief eulogium on Senator Broderick, pronounced in the senate on the 13th of February, 1860, adds another to his several eloquent memorials of deceased associates in the senate of the United States, that have been previously commented on in these volumes.

The thirty-sixth congress assembled on its usual day in December, 1859. But an organization was not completed until the first week in February, 1860.

On the first ballot for speaker, it was apparent that neither party had then a clear majority of the members. The relative strength, as exhibited on several occasions, was nearly as follows: republicans, one hundred and twelve; democrats, ninety-one; all others, thirty.' Soon after the first ballot, Mr. Clark, of Missouri, offered a resolution declaring, as unfit to be speaker of the house, any member who had signed a recommendation of a pamphlet known as "Helper's Compendium of the Impending Crisis." On this a long and excited debate ensued, continuing until the election of a speaker, but without coming to a vote upon the resolution. On the 1st day of Feb

1 On the first ballot, Sherman received sixty-six votes, Grow forty-three, Bocock eighty-six and scattering thirty-five. The republicans then united on Mr. Sherman, giving him one hundred and twelve votes. The democrats changed their candidate several times, varying in the number of votes they cast from eighty-six to ninety-one. They repeatedly united with the Americans, carrying their combined vote on the thirty-ninth ballot up to one hundred and twelve.