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the greater virtue of moderation in triumph. That we may do this let us remember that it is only as a figure of speech that the use of martial terms, such as

defeat' and · victory,' obtain in our system of elections. The parties engaged in an election are not, never can be, never must be, enemies, or even adversaries. We are all fellow citizens, Americans, brethren. It is a trial of issues by the force only of reason; and the contest is carried to its conclusion, with the use only of suffrage.

“ An appeal lies from the people this year to the people themselves next yearto be argued and determined in the same way and so on forever. This is indeed a long way to the attainment of rights and the establishment of interests. It is our way, however, now as it has been heretofore. Let it be our way hereafter. If there be among us or in the country those who think that marshaling armies or pulling down the pillars of the republic is a better, because a shorter way, let us not doubt that if we commend our way by our patience, our gentleness, our affection towards them, they, too, will, before they shall have gone too far, find out that our way, the old way, their old way as well as our old way, is not only the shortest but the best.

"Fellow citizens, I should do injustice to you, and violence to my own feelings, if I did not recognize in this visit a warm and most generous demonstration of your personal kindness to me. You know how deeply I was committed to the triumph of this presidential ticket more than to any other in times that are past, and to its triumph more distinct and emphatic, if possible, here than any where else. How the eyes of patriots in every part of the country were anxiously fixed on this state, on this county, nay, even on this town, to learn whether we were true to this crisis, to our cause, our country, and to ourselves. This lent a new and intense earnestness to your efforts, and our success, therefore, has exceeded all that we dared to promise, though not what we dared to hope. The year 1860, how many acts of home kindness has it brought to me from all my neighbors. My welcome from abroad-sympathy with me in my labors for the country at Washington-the rescue of my dwelling from fire during my absence-co-operation with me, so earnest, so devoted, so effective in securing the ascendancy of the republican cause throughout the Union, these congratulations on its success feel them all more deeply, more gratefully, than I dare express. May you all find your rewards in the increasing happiness and growing greatness of our country.

And now we part again. You to lay aside the emblems of your political association, at least for a time, and to return to your industrial pursuits and social enjoyments. I to return to the theatre of public duty at the national capital. May a kind Providence spare all your lives and continue all the blessings you enjoy, and when we meet again in the coming spring season, when these now naked trees shall have resumed their wonted foliage, may our hearts be renewed in their mutual affections and may all the sullen and angry clouds which seem to be gathering in the political atmosphere have then given place to those serene and auspicious skies, which properly belong to the only pure and complete republican system to be found on the face of the earth.”

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The triumph in the country of the principles which Mr. Seward, through his whole public life, has so perseveringly sustained, was not more distinctly announced by the election of Abraham Lincoln than it was significantly confessed in congress by the prompt admission of Kansas into the Union a Free State.

The bill for the admission of Kansas passed the senate on the twenty-first day of January, 1861, and received the signature of President Buchanan on the thirtieth.

Mr. Seward, on moving to take up the bill, and while urging its immediate passage, pertinently remarked that “If any people have the right to self-government, it is the people of Kansas.”

The senators who voted for admission, were Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bigler, Bingham, Bright, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Crittenden, Dixon, Doolittle, Douglas, Durkee, Fessenden, Fitch, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Johnson of Tennessee, King, Latham, Morrill, Pugh, Rice, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Thompson, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and Wilson-36.

Those who voted against it were Messrs. Benjamin, Bragg, Clingman, Green, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson, Johnson of Arkansas, Kennedy, Mason, Nicholson, Polk, Powell, Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall-16.

As soon as the Electors had formally ratified the choice of the people, the president elect tendered to Mr. Seward the chief place in his cabinet, which, after some deliberation, was accepted, and became known to the public. On the twelfth day of January he expressed his views in the senate “ On the State of the Union.” He had previously, in New York, at the “New England Dinner,” made some unpremeditated remarks on the same subject, and subsequently, in the senate, he delivered a second speech, on the occasion of his presenting a mammoth petition from the merchants of New York. These speeches produced, in congress and throughout the country, a profound sensation.' The first speech begins with this declaration :

"I avow my adherence to the Union, in its integrity and with all its parts, with my friends, with my party, with my state, with my country, or without either, as they may determine; in every event, whether of peace or of war, with every consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death."

It closes in the same spirit and with that consistency which marks all tbat Mr. Seward says:

I certainly shall never, directly or indirectly, give my vote to establish or sanction slavery in the common territories of the United States, or anywhere else in the world.”

1 They will be found at the close of this rolume.

The scenes attending its delivery in the senate, are thus described by a listener:

"Mr. Seward's speech was the event of the week, and is the topic of discussion in all political circles. The scene before and during the delivery of the speech, was almost unparalleled in the senate. By ten o'clock every seat in the galleries was filled, and by eleven the cloak rooms and all the passages were choked up, and a thousand men and women stood outside of the doors waiting to catch the words of the speaker when he should commence. He did not open his speech til nearly one o'clock. Several hundred gentlemen come on from Baltimore to hear it, and the curiosity among all the southern men here to listen to it was intense. The southern senators and representatives paid the utmost attention, and the galleries were as quiet as their suffocating condition would warrant. It was the fullest house of the session, and by far the most respectful one. During the delivery of portions of the speech, senators were in tears. When the sad picture of the country, divided into two confederacies, was presented, Mr. Crittenden, who sat immediately before the orator, was completely overcome by his emotions, and bowed his white head to weep."

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The eminent Quaker poet and philanthropist, John G. Whittier, on reading the speech, addressed the following lines to Mr. Seward :

To William H. Seward.

Statesman, I thank thee!-and, if yet dissent
Mingles, reluctant, with my large content,
I cannot censure what was nobly meant.
But, while constrained to hold even Union less
Than Liberty and Truth and Righteousness,
I thank thee in the sweet and holy name
Of Peace, for wise calm words that put to shame
Passion and party. Courage may be shown
Not in defiance of the wrong alone;
He may be bravest who, unweaponed, bears
The olive branch, and strong in justice, spares
The rash wrong-doer, giving widest scope
To Christian charity and generous hope.
If, without damage to the sacred cause
Of Freedom and the safeguard of its laws
If, without yielding that for which alone
We prize the Union, thou canst save it now
From a baptism of blood, upon thy brow
A wreath whose flowers no earthly soil has known,
Woven of the beatitudes, shall rest;
And the peacemaker be forever blest !

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