much as the insurrection of Shays had done the peace, and government of Massachusetts.

In September 1791, the malecontent counties held a meeting at Pittsburg, and passed a sett of resolutions, in confirmation of those which had been previously passed in their county assemblies, prosecuting all such persons as should attempt to execute the excise law, as enemies to the country, and unworthy of public confidence. These measures took such an effect, that the execution of the excise law was wholly suspended, and at the convention of Congress in October, the president recommended a revision of the excise law, which was finally passed in May following, with the special intent to remove all such parts of said law as could be reasonably objected to. But this conciliatory measure of the government produced no good effect, the excise law was not repealed, and the opposition not only continued firm, but the counties held another meeting at Pittsburg, in which committees were appointed to correspond with other disaffected committees, in the several parts of the United States, that the chain of opposition might be strengthened, by becoming universal. Here was a plan laid to commence, and carry into execution the same system of measures against the operations of the federal government, which we have seen in operation against the British government, amongst the causes that led to the revolution.

The president, alarmed for the peace and safety of the government, issued a proclamation, exhorting, and admonishing all persons to desist from all combinations, or proceedings, whatever, tending to obstruct the execution of the laws; calling on the civil magistrates to do their duty, and keep the peace. Prosecutions were directed to be instituted against all offenders, according to a due course of law.

This proclamation proved of no force; both magistrates and people were alike involved in the opposition, and the laws became silent, in the midst of a whiskey mob.

Government made one more effort to suppress this opposition, by commencing prosecutions against delinquents, and by preventing a sale of such whiskey as was, or should be distilled in the opposing counties, from being conveyed, and sold to the army, which then lay in a part of the north-western territory; all this proved ineffectual, and the opposition not only continued, but increased, and became more alarming.

On the fifth of November, Congress again convened, agreeable to adjournment. The president opened the session, as usual, with a speech, in which after touching upon the state of Indian affairs, he observed that "the reiterated endeavours which had been made to effect a pacification, had hitherto issued in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on the part of the tribes with whom the United States were in contest, &c. Every practicable exertion had been made to be prepared for the alternative of prosecuting the war, in the event of a failure of pacific overtures," &c.

The president at the same time recommended, "that some system of humanity might be devised for ameliorating the condition of the savages, by instructing them in husbandry, and the useful arts, and thus preparing the way for their civilization."

The president next touched upon the embarrassments arising out of the excise law, in the collection of the regular duties, and concluded this head by assurances, "that nothing should be wanting, within constitutional, and legal limits, which may depend on me, to maintain the just authority of the laws. In fulfilling this part of my trust, I shall count, entirely on the full co-operation of

the other departments of government, and upon the zealous support of all good citizens."

After noticing other subjects necessary for the attention of Congress, he thus concluded-" I entertain a strong hope that the state of the national finances is now suffiicent to enable you to enter upon a systematic, and effectual arrangement for the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according to the right which has been reserved to the government."

This speech was kindly received, and cordially answered by both houses of Congress.

The subject of the national debt engrossed more of the time, as well as the passions of Congress, than the limits of this work will permit me to notice. The secretary of the treasury proposed additional taxes on pleasure horses, carriages, &c. in order to bring up the revenue to meet the disbursements required. This was met by a motion. for postponement, and another to reduce the military establishment, which agitated the feelings and passions of Congress until the 4th of January, when it was rejected. The plan for redeeming the public debt failed also at this time.

The president availed himself of a law passed in August 1790, authorising him to borrow twelve million of dollars, to be applied to the payment of the foreign debt, and impowered the secretary of the treasury to open loans for that purpose, to meet such sums of the foreign debt, as might become due at the end of the year 1791. Two loans were opened accordingly.

Instructions were given to the agent of the United States, in Europe, in May 1791, to apply the proceeds of future loans, in payments to France, except such sums as should be otherwise specifically appropriated. Certain plans of the national assembly, for converting these payments into supplies for St. Domingo, were intimated by the

French minister of marine, which diverted their application for a time. At the same time the secretary of the treasury drew into the United States, such parts of these loans as were designed to apply to the sinking fund.

At this eventful period an insurrection broke out in the colony of St. Domingo, August 1791, which involved the white population in one general, and indiscriminate butchery; in which, neither age, nor sex were spared; an insurrection, which grew out of an act of the national assembly of France, which decreed, "that all men in the colony of St. Domingo, both whites, and men of colour, were equal." In this state of confusion, the secretary suffered a portion of the instalments actually due to France, to remain unpaid.

On the 23d of January, Mr. Giles of Virginia, entroduced several resolutions, requiring information from the treasury upon this whole subject. These resolutions were adopted.

The secretary of the treasury met these resolutions with such a full and ample statement as was highly satisfactory to the house. Mr. Giles however was not satisfied; but introduced sundry other resolutions upon the same subject, tending pointedly to criminate the secretary of the treasury, with a special clause, directing "that a copy of them be transmitted to the president."

These resolutions opened again a torrent of debate, on the 28th of February, that raged with unusual warmth and bitterness; but they were finally rejected by an overwhelming majority; and on the 4th of March, Congress adjourned-1793.

Such had become at this time the warmth and bitterness of party, and party feeling, that these resolutions were designed not only to criminate the secretary of the treasury, as an ambitious man, aiming at tyranny and usurpation; but also to criminate the executive, as the abettor, and

supporter of the measure, and accomplice in the plan. The reputation of the secretary was not altogether invulnerable; but the popularity justly attached to the president stood high, above the reach of party calumny, and held the balances with a steady hand.

At this eventful period the French revolution had so far progressed, as that the national convention had succeeded the national assembly; brought the king to the guillotine, and had given full scope to the reign of liberty and equality in France.

Sympathy had lit up the fire in America, and the people generally, cherished an anxious and cordial hope that the liberties of America had taken deep root in France, and were about to bless that people with the enjoyment of rational liberty; but the more knowing, both in Europe and America, clearly foresaw, what the experience of ages had inscribed in letters of blood, that rational liberty could never arise out of such a tempestuous sea of liberty, as the revolution of France then exhibited. The president of the United States clearly foresaw, that without an efficient government, the feelings of the people of America would become entangled in the vortex of the French revolution, and the new federal constitution be swallowed up in the general wreck of discord, anarchy, and confusion.

Pending these convulsions of the day, the electors of United America were again called upon to fill the chair of the two chief magistrates of the nation. Warm and violent was the strife of party, in the nation, but the electors were true to their country, and gave an unanimous suffrage for George Washington for president, and a majority for John Adams as vice-president.

Great efforts had been, and still continued to be made, to settle an accommodation with the Indians on the northwestern frontier, and appearances had now become more favourable; but peace had not yet been concluded. The VOL. III. 5Q