Abraham Lincoln: A History, Volume 2
Century Company, 1890 - Presidents
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34th Cong action Administration authority ballot Breckinridge Cabinet campaign candidate Cass Castle Pinckney CHAP Charleston citizens Colonel committee Congress Constitution convention Covode Committee debate declared defeat delegates Democratic party disunion doctrine Douglas Dred Scott decision duty election electors Executive favor Federal force Fort Moultrie Fort Sumter forts free-State Frémont friends Geary Georgia Gist Globe Government Governor Ibid Illinois Jefferson Davis Judge Kansas leaders Lecompton Lecompton Constitution legislation Legislature letter Lincoln majority ment Mississippi Missouri Missouri Compromise Moultrie muskets negro nomination North officers Ohio opinion platform political popular President Buchanan Presidential principle pro-slavery question rebellion reënforcements secede secession Secretary Secretary of War Senate Ex sentiment Sess Seward sion slave slavery South Carolina Southern speech stitution Sumter Supreme Court Territory tion Union United Virginia vote W. R. Vol Walker Washington whole wrote York
Page 134 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 135 - I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction ; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
Page 181 - This is a world of compensation; and he who would be no slave must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain it.
Page 148 - That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles — right and wrong — throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings.
Page 222 - ... free states ? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and belabored...
Page 147 - I hold that notwithstanding all this, there is no reason In the world why the Negro Is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated In the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he Is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 87 - This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 136 - Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own undoubted friends — those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work — who do care for the result. Two years ago, the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against us.
Page 70 - Besides, it is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is. understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may be...
Page 38 - That we recognize the right of the people of all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a Constitution with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States.