APPENDIX.

Page 58. GENERALSHIP AT BULL RUN.

My statement in regard to the tactical errors at Bull Run, in regard to McDowell's attacking in fractions, is fully borne out by General Johnston, who also adds some very frank avowals of error on his own part.

"The [Confederate] Army of the Potomac, exclusive of the garrison of the intrenched position at Manassas Junction, amounted then to about nineteen thousand men of all arms. A large proportion of it was not engaged in the battle. This was a great fault on my part. When Bee's and Jackson's brigades were ordered to the vicinity of the Stone Bridge, those of Holmes and Early should have been moved to the left also, and placed in the interval on Bonham's left, if not then, certainly at nine o'clock, when a Federal column was seen turning our left; and when it seemed certain that General McDowell's great effort was to be made there, Bonham's, Longstreet's, Jones's, and Ewell's brigades, leaving a few regiments and their cavalry to impose on Miles's division, should have been hurried to the left to join in the battle. "If the tactics of the Federals had been equal to their strategy, we should have been beaten. If, instead of being brought into action in detail, their troops had been formed in two lines with a proper reserve, and had assailed Bee and Jackson in that order, the two Southern brigades must have been swept from the field in a few minutes, or enveloped. General McDowell would have made such a formation, probably, had he not greatly under-estimated the strength of his enemy."-GEN. J. E. JOHNSTON: "Narrative," pages 56-57.

Page 59. QUESTION OF PURSUIT AFTER BULL RUN.

On this question General Johnston and Mr. Davis have in late years fought their battles over again, Mr. Davis stating that he was in favor of vigorous pursuit, and General Johnston not only reiterating his statement of the impossibility of an effectual following up of the Federal army, but asserting that Mr. Davis "gave no orders, and expressed neither wish nor opinion on the subject, that ever came to my knowledge."

Regarding the following-up, General Johnston writes: "All the military conditions, we knew, forbade an attempt on Washington. The Confederate army was more disorganized by victory than that of the United States by defeat.

Besides this condition of our army the reasons for the course condemned by the non-combatant military critics were:

"The unfitness of our raw troops for marching or assailing intrenchments. "The want of the necessary supplies of food and ammunition, and means of transporting them. Until near August 10th, we never had rations for more than two days, and sometimes none, nor half enough ammunition for a battle. "The fortifications upon which skilful engineers had been engaged since April, manned by at least fifty thousand Federal troops, half of whom had not suffered defeat.

"The Potomac, a mile wide, bearing United States vessels of war, the heavy guns of which commanded the wooden bridges and the Southern shore."— GEN. J. E. JOHNSTON : "Narrative," pages 60-61.

In regard to Mr. Davis's opinion of the propriety of pursuit, General Johnston quotes, from Alfriend's "Life of Jefferson Davis," these statements: "Mr. Davis was far from approving the inaction which followed Manassas. He confidently expected a different use of the victory. .. Indeed, before leaving Manassas, President Davis favored the most vigorous pursuit practicable. And that he contemplated immediate activity as a sequel of Manassas is a matter of indisputable record."

To these assertions General Johnston, as has been seen, gives a flat denial, adding: "He (Davis) expressed none of the 'views' and opinions ascribed to him in the biography, and gave me no orders for movements of troops, and discussed no matters concerning the army, except such as related to administration. The fact that he gave no instructions in relation to the employment of the army, nor orders to make any aggressive movement, nor even suggested such, proves conclusively that he thought none expedient, and was satisfied with the victory as it was."-GEN. J. E. JOHNSTON: "Narrative," page 64.

It is now time to introduce Mr. Jefferson Davis himself, who in his "Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government" (Vol. I., pp. 352-3), says: "At a late hour of the night, I had a conference with Generals Johnston and Beauregard; the Adjutant-General of the latter, Colonel Jordan, was present. When, after some preliminary conversation, I asked whether any troops had been sent in pursuit of the enemy, I was answered in the negative. Upon further inquiry as to what troops were in the best position for pursuit, and had been least fatigued during the day, General Bonham's brigade was named. . . . I at once dictated an order for immediate pursuit.”

In corroboration of this, Mr. Davis quotes Adjutant-General Jordan as follows: "Mr. Davis with much animation asserted the necessity for an urgent pursuit that night by Bonham," a statement which, however, it is difficult to reconcile with another in the same letter, namely: Mr. Davis did not "display the least disposition to interfere by opinion or authority touching what the Confederate forces should or should not do."

It is no less puzzling to understand the following endorsement by General Beauregard of Adjutant-General Jordan's letter from which the above extracts are made: "The account given herewith by General Jordan of what occurred there respecting further pursuit that night agrees with my own recollection."

Pages 102-3. GENERAL JOHNSTON'S THEORY OF DEFENDING RICHMOND. General Johnston gives emphatic corroboration of the statement here made that he did not believe in the policy of making a stand at Yorktown any longer than would somewhat delay McClellan's advance, and in fact did not believe in the attempt to hold the Peninsula at all. He says: "I was convinced that we could do no more on the Peninsula than delay General McClellan's progress toward Richmond, and that, if he found our intrenchments too strong to be carried certainly and soon, he could pass around them by crossing York River. It seemed to me the more probable, however, that he would open York River to his vessels by demolishing our water-batteries, and passing us by water, unless tempted, by discovering the weakness of our unfinished works between Yorktown and the head of the inundations, to force his way through our line there." General Johnston also adds an interesting statement of his views as to the proper campaign for the defence of Richmond. "Instead of only delaying the Federal army in its approach, I proposed that it should be encountered in front of Richmond, by one quite as numerous, formed by uniting there all the available forces of the Confederacy in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, with those at Norfolk, on the Peninsula, and then near Richmond, including Smith's and Longstreet's divisions, which had arrived. The great army thus formed, surprising that of the United States by an attack when it was expecting to besiege Richmond would be almost certain to win; and the enemy, defeated a hundred miles from Fort Monroe, their place of refuge, could scarcely escape destruction. Such a victory would not only decide the campaign but the war, while the present plan could produce no decisive result."-GEN. JOHNSTON: "Narrative,” page 113.

It seems, however, that in stating that General Lee agreed with General Johnston in pronouncing the peninsula untenable, I was in error. The latter officer distinctly states that in a council of war held early in April, General Lee opposed the plan proposed. "He thought," says Johnston, "that the peninsula had excellent fields of battle for a small army contending with a great one, and that we should for that reason make the contest with McClellan's army there. The President, who previously had expressed no opinion on the question, announced his decision in favor of General Lee's opinion (p. 115).

This statement of General Lee's views is confirmed by Mr. Davis ("Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government," Vol. II., page 87).

General Johnston then adds: "The belief that events on the peninsula would soon compel the Confederate government to adopt my method of opposing the Federal army, reconciled me somewhat to the necessity of obeying the President's order" (p. 116).

Farther on (page 142), in narrating the events of Fair Oaks, where he was wounded, and after which General Lee took command of the Confederate army in Virginia, General Johnston remarks: "As soon as I had lost the command of the Army of Virginia by wounds in battle, my suggestion was adopted.

In that way the largest Confederate army that ever fought was formed in the month of June, by strengthening the forces near Richmond with troops from North and South Carolina and Georgia."

One cannot refuse General Johnston this little chuckle at the practical vindication of his plan. It may be worth noticing, in passing, that General Johnston states that the additions to Lee's army in the interim between his taking command and the operations attending the change of base (June 26th), amounted, in the aggregate, to 53,000 men. But other Southern writers, including Major Taylor, Colonel Marshall, and others, have each done his share in reducing this number, till under the arithmetical manipulations of General Early it dwindles to 23,000, and of Mr. Davis to 16,916. The sixteen in this last total is probably an excess. But enough of such trifles.

Page 117. FRANKLIN'S FLANK Movement via WEST POINT.

In the passage touching this matter some correction is required. I allow the inference to be drawn that when Yorktown was evacuated, Franklin was ordered to land up the York River and attack Johnston's army in flank. It appears, however, that in reality he was ordered to land where he did, and send back the transports immediately for more troops. The precise object of Franklin's movement, of what was expected from it, and what resulted from it, will appear from the following extract from a letter from General Franklin to the present writer: "General McClellan did not order me to move into the interior from West Point. On the contrary, after making a landing, I was to await the arrival of Sedgwick's and Fitz John Porter's divisions. When attacked, the morning after my landing was effected, I repulsed the attack, and was joined the same day by Sedgwick, and the day after by Porter. Therefore, the statement that I was held in check by the enemy is hardly correct. My picket line was driven in, but, by repulsing the enemy, was re-established. When I left Yorktown for West Point I think General McClellan anticipated that the enemy would make a heavier stand at Williamsburg, and therefore he intended to concentrate a large turning force where I landed. We certainly were not repulsed in the West Point fight, and that we were held in check by the enemy is not the correct way to put it, because we had no intention to go forward until joined by the troops I have named. I suppose I would have been ordered to advance had not Johnston's main army got past the point where I could have struck him before I was landed."

Page 118. GENERAL SUMNER AT WILLIAMSBURG.

Since the date of original publication I have become convinced that in some respects injustice is done to General Sumner in the account of the action at Williamsburg. After the fall of Yorktown, General Sumner received an order to go to the front and take command, without other instructions. He went on with Smith's division, arriving at Williamsburg near night. He found that Stoneman had attacked and failed, but that officer, Stoneman, insisted that it was only a weak line of rifle-pits, and that he had no doubt the enemy had gone. It appeared that General Heintzelman came up in the night with an

General Sumner

order identical with General Sumner's to assume command. decided to get the troops up in hand to attack early in the morning. Keys received positive verbal and written orders to have Casey's division there at dawn, but did not get it there till noon, allowing Kearney to pass him on the road. Hooker came up and attacked without orders (from Sumner at least), and the sound of his firing was the first intimation Sumner had of Hooker's movements. Smith could not be withdrawn, but the first troops that came up (Kearney's) were sent to Hooker. From these facts it would appear that

General Keys was to blame.

While I think this statement due to the memory of General Sumner, there does not appear to be anything to contravene my general verdict “that his conduct of affairs at Williamsburg was marked by great confusion."

General J. E. Johnston says: "At ten o'clock, when the action had lasted more than four hours, there seemed to be so little vigor in the enemy's conduct that I became convinced that it was a mere demonstration intended to delay our march-that the Federal army might pass us by water. . . . As the Federal army, except Franklin's division had marched but nine miles to the field the day before, by two roads, one cannot understand why four or even six divisions, if necessary, were not brought into action. The smallness of the force engaged on this occasion greatly strengthened my suspicion that the army itself was moving up York River in transports."-GEN. J. E. JOHNSTON: "Narrative," pages 120-124.

It was at Williamsburg that General Hooker won the sobriquet "Fighting Joe," but he did so in the foolhardy and unauthorized attack which cost many precious lives.

Pages 186, 187. GENERAL FITZ JOHN PORTER AND GENERAL POPE. To the Fitz John Porter question, as stated in the foot note to page 186, there has been a long sequel. General Porter began to make efforts for a re-hearing soon after the court-martial. He appealed to President Lincoln in 1863, to President Johnson in 1867, and to President Grant in 1869 and 1874. "My appeals," says General Porter, "were never refused, but were never granted." Finally, in June, 1878, a board was ordered to convene at West Point for the purpose of examining into the case. This board consisted of Generals Schofield, Terry, and Getty. After a very thorough examination of all the evidence," it, in March, 1879, made a report from which I make the following

extracts:

66

"If the 4.30 order had been promptly delivered, a very grave responsibility would have devolved upon General Porter. The order was based upon conditions which were essentially erroneous, and upon expectations which could not possibly be realized.

"It required an attack upon the enemy's flank or rear, which could not be made, and that the attacking force keep closed on Reynolds, who was far to the right and beyond reach. Yet it would have been too late to correct the error and have the order modified. That order appeared to be part of a general plan. It must be executed promptly or not at all. If Porter had made