time and space; but the soul of war is a power unseen, bound up with the interests, convictions, passions of men. Now, so gloomy was the military outlook after the action on the Chickahominy, and to such a degree by consequence had the moral spring of the public mind become relaxed, that there was at this time great danger of a collapse of the war. The history of this conflict truthfully written will show this.* Had not success elsewhere come to brighten the horizon, it would have been difficult to have raised new forces to recruit the Army of the Potomac, which, shaken in its structure, its valor quenched in blood, and thousands of its ablest officers killed and wounded, was the Army of the Potomac no more.

It would be interesting to institute a detailed comparison between the overland campaign towards Richmond and the campaign of Sherman towards Atlanta. These operations were parallel; but the conduct of the commanders was very different. General Sherman, rarely assaulting, treated each position taken up by Johnston as a fortress; and by intrenching in front of his opponent's works, he was able both to cover his own lines and gradually accumulate on a flank a force so menacing to his antagonist's communications as to compel him to abandon each successive stronghold. Thus, by repeated leaps in advance, and with comparatively little loss, he reached his goal, Atlanta.†

General Grant also effected turning movements of the same kind; but these were rarely undertaken until after a frightful sacrifice of life in the attempt to force a direct issue. Whatever adverse criticism history may make on this campaign will probably turn mainly on the question of the utility of these

The archives of the State Department, when one day made public, will show how deeply the Government was affected by the want of military success. and to what resolutions the Executive had in consequence come.

General Johnston, whose very words, in conversation with the writer, are employed above, added a significant statement. He said he believed, at the beginning of the campaign, that he could beat Sherman; and, said he, “I know I should have beaten him, had he made such assaults on me as General Grant did on Lee."

attacks, and on the tactical execution of the operations, which was often much inferior to the conception. The flank marches were conducted with great skill, and the movements of the columns, with a constantly shifting base, present a study highly interesting and instructive to those who concern themselves with the larger questions of war.

XII.

THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG.

JUNE, 1864-MARCH, 1865.

I.

THE CHANGE OF BASE.

THE determination of General Grant to transfer the army, by a flank march, to the south side of the James River, involved considerations of a wholly different order from those concerned in the repeated turning movements which he had made to dislodge Lee from the intrenched positions held by him. These were simply manoeuvres of grand tactics, delicate indeed in their nature, but they did not carry the army away from its line of operations, nor from the defensive line as regards Washington, which it all the time covered. The resolution to cross the James necessitated the total abandonment of that system of action which aimed, while operating against the enemy offensively, to directly defend the national capital.

Now, although in the defence of places, it is frequently more efficacious to assume a line of operation that seems to abandon the point to be guarded and deliver it up to the enemy, than to place one's self directly in front of it, it must be borne in mind that General Grant was acting under an Administration that was not only incapable of appreciating. such considerations, which indeed belong to the higher part of war, but an Administration that was, from political motives, strongly opposed to a removal of the army from the

overland line of advance against Richmond. Moreover, the operation was in itself one of great delicacy, a change of base being pronounced by the foremost master of war “the ablest manœuvre taught by military art." *

General Grant manifested as much moral firmness in adopting a line of action which, adverse though it was to the wishes of his Government, he felt to be prescribed by the highest military considerations, as he showed ability in executing this difficult operation. The measure itself was not only entirely conformable to the true principles of war, but its execution reflects high credit on the commander, and merits the closest study.

Immediately after the battle of Cold Harbor, the Ninth Corps, then holding the extreme right of the line, had been withdrawn from its position and posted between the Fifth Corps, which then became the right of the line, and the Eighteenth. On the 6th, the Fifth Corps was retired and massed in rear of the centre. The Ninth Corps then became again the right of the line. On the 7th, the Second Corps, then forming the left of the line, being stretched to the Chickahominy, the Fifth was transferred to that flank to extend it as far as Dispatch Station on the York River Railroad. At this date, two divisions of cavalry under Sheridan were sent to destroy more effectually the Central Railroad.

By the gradual refusal of the right flank and development of the left, the army was placed within an easy march of the lower crossings of the Chickahominy-Warren's corps being but ten miles from Long Bridge. On the night of the 12th of June the movement to the James was begun.

Warren, preceded by Wilson's cavalry division, took the lead, seized the crossing of the Chickahominy at Long Bridge, and made dispositions to mask the movement of the army. Hancock's corps then followed the Fifth, and marched to Wilcox's Landing on the left bank of the James. The corps of Wright and Burnside, by an exterior route, crossed at

*Napoleon: Memoirs, vol. iii., p. 203.

Jones' Bridge and marched to Charles City, on the James. Smith's command marched to White House, where it took transports and returned to Bermuda Hundred by water. The trains made the passage of the Chickahominy by a bridge at Coles' Ferry.

The march of fifty-five miles across the Peninsula was made in two days, and with perfect success. It was covered from the enemy's observation by a skilful feint made by Warren, who threatened direct advance on Richmond by the route of White Oak Swamp. After crossing the Chickahominy at Long Bridge, Warren threw Crawford's division forward on the New Market road, while Wilson's cavalry division, taking the advance, drove the enemy's mounted force across White Oak Swamp. Warren lay in this vicinity during the day, covering all the routes by which the enemy might come down from Richmond to observe or disturb the movement; and under cover of his array, the whole army marched towards the James.

Lee, of course, discovered the withdrawal on the morning of the 13th. He, however, made no attempt to follow up, but retired towards Richmond. During the afternoon, a body of infantry came down the New Market road; but finding Warren's force in line of battle, it made no attack, contenting itself with intrenching in plain sight. It is probable that this menace by Warren deceived Lee as to Grant's actual purpose, and caused him to anticipate a direct advance on Richmond by the river routes. But, meantime, the army had reached the James below Harrison's Landing, and was prepared to pass to the south side. Here a considerable delay was caused by the non-arrival of the ponton-bridges;* but means of transport being at hand, Hancock's corps was ferried

* It turned out that the ponton-bridge for the wagon-train over the Chickahominy at Coles' Ferry was too short by half its length; so that the army ponton-train was sent to piece it out. By this means a day was lost; and rather than run the very remote risk of losing a wagon-train, the commander ran the very positive risk of losing Petersburg.