Thus prompted, the Confederate leaders resolved upon a movement that should not only have the effect of causing the Army of the Potomac to loose its hold upon the Rappahannock, but should initiate a campaign of invasion on the soil of the loyal States. And it is proper to point out here that in coming to this determination, those who controlled the warcouncils at Richmond would seem to have been influenced rather by the excited condition of the army and the South, than by a just appreciation of their proper defensive policy. This not only did not exclude, but it invited the seizing of favorable opportunities to throw back the Army of the Potomac from its aggressive advances into Virginia, and, if possible, force it across the Potomac. But to convert these offensive returns into out-and-out invasion was to overleap their true policy and enter upon an enterprise uncertain, perilous, and costly. The experience of the Maryland campaign of the previous year might already have made this manifest; and hence it would appear that the Richmond leaders, in resolving to push the aggression into Pennsylvania, took counsel not so much from prudence as from the clamors of the Hotspurs of the South, who, fretting at the defensive attitude held by Lee during the past twelve months, now burned to see the theatre of war transferred to Northern soil.* The close of May found the army ready to launch on this seductive but fatal adventure.

* The vague flying rumors and the significant intimations of the Southern press had given Hooker reason to anticipate some hostile movement on the part of Lee, and on the 28th of May he communicated this conviction to Washington. "You may rest assured," said he, "that important movements are being made. . . . I am in doubt as to the direction he [Lee] will take, but probably the one of last year, however desperate it may appear."-Dispatch from Hooker to Secretary Stanton.

II.

MANŒUVRES TO DISENGAGE HOOKER.

In execution of this project the first object with Lee was to disengage Hooker from the Rappahannock, and with this view secret movements were begun on the 3d of June. McLaws' division, of Longstreet's corps, that day left Fredericksburg for Culpepper Courthouse, and at the same time Hood's division, of Longstreet's corps, which, since its arrival from Richmond, had been encamped on the Rapidan, marched to the same place. On the 4th and 5th Ewell's corps was given the same direction. Meanwhile, the corps of A. P. Hill was left to occupy the lines of Fredericksburg.*

Made aware of some movement in the enemy's camp, but unable to determine its precise nature, Hooker, with the view of a closer reconnoissance, threw Sedgwick's corps, on the 6th, across the Rappahannock at Franklin's Crossing; but as Hill remained in position to mask the march of the other corps, all that Sedgwick discovered was that the enemy was in force. Lee, therefore, did not interrupt the march of Longstreet and Ewell towards Culpepper, which place they reached on the 8th.

Hooker was still in ignorance of Lee's purpose, which was at length disclosed in the following manner.

Stuart's cavalry had already been concentrated at Culpepper some time before the commencement of the main movement; and the knowledge of this fact, which seemed to indicate some hostile intent, determined Hooker to send his whole cavalry corps to break up Stuart's camp. Accordingly, on the 9th,

Lee: Report of the Gettysburg Campaign.

+ Ibid.

"As the accumulation of the heavy rebel force of cavalry about Culpepper may mean mischief, I am determined, if practicable, to break it up in its incipiency. I shall send all my cavalry against them, stiffened by about three thousand infantry."-Dispatch of General Hooker to General Halleck, June 6th.

General Pleasonton, with two divisions of cavalry under Buford and Gregg, supported by two picked brigades of infantry under Russell and Ames, crossed the Rappahannock at Kelly's and Beverley's fords, to move by converging roads on Culpepper. But Stuart, having already moved forward from Culpepper to Brandy Station, en route to form the advance and cover the flank of the main movement, a rencounter took place soon after the Union cavalry passed the river.

Crossing at Beverley's Ford, and advancing through the woodland, Buford immediately encountered a Confederate brigade under General Jones, which, after a considerable combat,* he drove back for a couple of miles, when he found himself checked by the arrival of the brigades of W. H. F. Lee and Wade Hampton to the support of Jones. Hereupon severe fighting followed; but presently Stuart was compelled to draw off to face a menace by another force threatening his rear.t This threat came from the column under Gregg, which had crossed at Kelly's Ford, and advanced towards Brandy Station, its progress being disputed by a Confederate brigade under General Robertson. Pushing on towards Brandy Station, a spirited passage at arms took place for the possession of the heights, which were at length carried by Gregg. Stuart having withdrawn the main portion of the three brigades from Buford's front, then approached quickly, and a determined combat ensued. Considerable loss occurred on both sides, and finally Gregg, finding that the other column had not been able to move up to make a junction with him, fell back towards his right and rear and united with the division under Buford, whereupon General Pleasonton retired his command across the Rappahannock. This engagement between the entire mounted force of the opposing armies was an interesting one, because it was of the few encounters on a

* In this action, Colonel B. F. Davis, of the Eighth New York Cavalry, was killed. Colonel Davis was a gallant officer, and during the investment of Colonel Miles at Harper's Ferry cut his way through Jackson's lines, saving his force and capturing a portion of Longstreet's trains.

+ General Stuart: Report of the Battle of Fleetwood.

large scale in which the cavalry fought in legitimate cavalry style; for the troopers commonly dismounted and used their carbines a circumstance that ordinarily made these affairs quite insignificant and indecisive. The loss was between five and six hundred on each side.*

This engagement had the important result of developing at once Lee's presence at Culpepper and his design of invasion, disclosures of both of which facts were found in captured correspondence. To meet this menace, Hooker advanced his right up the Rappahannock, throwing forward the Third Corps, on the 11th, to Rappahannock Station and Beverley, while the cavalry observed the upper forks of the river. But while Hooker had his attention thus directed towards Culpepper and to guarding the line of the Rappahannock, with the view to prevent a crossing of that stream by the enemy, -who, it was supposed, would follow the same line of manœuvre adopted in the advance during the preceding summer against Pope,-Lee had taken another leap in advance, and thrust forward his left into the Shenandoah Valley. Leaving Hill's corps still in the position at Fredericksburg, and Longstreet's corps at Culpepper, Ewell's corps was, on the 10th, put in motion westward and northward, avoiding the Rappahannock altogether till he reached the Blue Ridge, through which he passed at Chester Gap. Then striking Front Royal, he crossed the Shenandoah River, and burst into the Valley. Advancing rapidly towards Winchester, he arrived before that place on the evening of the 13th, after an advance from Culpepper of seventy miles in three days.

Such was the startling intelligence that now reached Hooker, who still lay on the Rappahannock; and action, prompt and vigorous, was seen to be instantly necessary. A glance at the map will reveal the extraordinary situation of the Confederate force at this time. On the 13th of June, with the Army of the Potomac yet lying on the Rappahannock, Lee's line of battle was stretched out over an interval of up

* General W. H. F. Lee was among the wounded.

wards of a hundred miles: for his right (Hill's corps) still held the lines of Fredericksburg; his centre (Longstreet's corps) lay at Culpepper; and his left (Ewell's corps) was at the mouth of the Shenandoah Valley!

Now, it will doubtless not be difficult for any one capable of looking at the map of Northern Virginia with a military eye, to base on these data a plan of action which it may be supposed would be the plan of action suited to the circumstances. But it would be altogether unjust to judge what General Hooker did, or what he failed to do, by the simple results of military reasoning; for in the relations which he held to the central military authority at Washington-an authority to which his own views were completely subordinated he had neither the freedom of willing nor of acting.

It would appear obvious that in the audacious situation of Lee's army (and this very boldness would seem to imply a great contempt for his opponent), the proper place for Hooker to strike was at that exposed rear of his long line formed by Hill's corps; for it is as sure an inference as any inference in war can be, that a force of, say, two or three corps, thrown across the Rappahannock at Banks' or United States ford, could interpose itself between Hill (at Fredericksburg) and Longstreet (at Culpepper). And if the movement did not insure Hill's destruction (which it ought to do, in vigorous hands), his jeopardized situation would certainly recall Lee's other forces to his support. This interruption of the plan of invasion would be its ending.

It is an interesting fact that precisely this method of action was suggested by General Hooker a short time before he became aware of Lee's actual movement,* and authority for its execution was asked in case the Confederate force should move northward.t To this most judicious suggestion two replies, or rather two forms of the same reply-for the opinion was Halleck's-were returned. The one was from the Pres

* Dispatch from Hooker to Halleck.

† Report on the Conduct of the War, second series, vol. i., p. 153.