The destinies of Misiouri, and indeed of our country, are trembling in the balance. Our only hope rests in the great body of the people. It appears to us that in Missouri concert of opinion and action is absolutely neces

sary.

If in the several counties our friends adopt various opinions and platforms of action, our strength will be dissipated, and confusion, and strife, and ultimate defeat be the only results. Hence the necessity of adopting a common platform of action, and a concentration of all our force. It is thought that meetings of the people and expressions of their opinions, in the most energetic and decided form, ought to be had in every county and in every considerable neighborhood, and that as frequently as possible, until these great reforms shall be accomplished.

Will you, for the sake of the right cause, see that such meetings are properly called, and that resolutions expressing the principles and measures above indicated are adopted? Spare no pains to have the meetings large and enthusiastic, and have meetings held as early as possible.

Arrangements have been made by which, it is hoped, similar meetings will be held in every county in the State where loyal men dare assemble.

Very respectfully, your ob't serv't,
BEN LOAN.

Weary as I find myself to be, Mr. President, I propose at present no further amplification of this last "order," than to repeat the suggestion that it is but the natural culmination of a well understood system of "terrorism," which having but too successively repressed the utterance of opinions adverse to its own domination, seeks now to crown its offences against "free" elections, by palming off upon us and our constituents its own unresisted manufacture of public sentiment, as the "spontaneous" uprising of a great PEOPLE! Let those (if any) who either desire an excuse of this character, or who are content to bow themselves to such contrivings, do so. There are at least many of us who know too well the modus operandi by which opinions are wrought out in the interests of unscrupulous military commanders not to be able to distinguish between even the soldier under duress and the soldier when again a citizen-and so of all within the influence of the same or similar considerations. I have said already that I will not at this time enlarge upon this circular of General Loan-tempting as it is in its every

line and purpose-but will leave it to others, as containing in itself the textual of a longer speech than the one I have already made longer than I originally intended.

It is but added, therefore, that whilst the papers which will be laid upon our desks upon the arrival of each succeeding mail will doubtless continue to reflect back upon us the "well made up" proceedings of what will purport to be the "sentiments of the people," each member will, of course, be able to estimate for himself the degree of consideration which should be given to accounts of meetings thus gotten up "to order" throughout the State. For myself, I close as I commenced-ready with the contribution of an unaffected homage to the deliberate and the "free" will of "the men who fight the battles, and pay the taxes, and feed the armies of the Republic"-ready to submit to it in the future, as in all the past, with all my sympathies and all my interests, but scorning its counterfeit, and resenting its wrongs, whether it be conspired against in the camp, the closet, or elsewhere. In my opinion, moreover, it depends upon the enlightened firmness with which we contemn and expose such attempts to overreach and overawe the people, whether by our action here we shall allay or confirm the apprehensions which contribute, in my section, almost the sole disquietude which these conspirators would torture into "disloyalty," and visit (quoth the the circular) with permanent disfranchisement!

Deal with it, Delegates, as you list—each being responsible to his own constituency, his own character and his own conscience.

Mr. DRAKE gave notice that on Tuesday he should submit the following resolutions on Emancipation, which were read by the clerk:

"Resolved, That it is expedient that an ordinance should be passed by this Convention, providing as follows:

"1. For the emancipation of all slaves in this State on the 1st day of January, A. D. 1864.

"2. For the perpetual prohibition of negro slavery in this State from and after that date.

"3. For a system of apprenticeship of the slaves so emancipated, for such period as may be sufficient to avoid any serious inconvenience to those interests with which slave labor is now connected, and to prepare emancipated blacks for complete freedom.

"4. For submitting said ordinance to a vote of the people, for their ratification or rejection, on the first Monday of August next."

MR. ORR objected, and moved their reference to a Committee of nine.

THE CASE OF V. MARMADUKE.

Mr. HALL of Randolph, by permission of the Convention, offered the following report from the Special Committee to whom was referred the communication of the Provost Mar

shal General:

"The Committee to whom was referred the

communication of the Provost Marshal General of Missouri in relation to the case of V. Marmaduke, a member of this Convention, beg leave to report, that, on investigation of the grounds of the order of banishment against Mr. M., they find no allegation which would disqualify him as a member of this body, or make it in any respect improper that he should be permitted to attend our present session; we therefore recommend the adoption of the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the Provost Marshal General be requested not to interpose obstacles to Mr. V. Marmaduke's attendance at this Convention."

Mr. HALL. I do not understand the Provost Marshal General to say that he has no objection to Mr. Marmaduke's coming to Jefferson City, but simply that the Commanding General prefers to leave the matter to this Convention, and if it expresses a wish that Mr. Marmaduke should take his seat, the Commanding General will consent in courtesy to the wishes of the Convention. If I am wrong in regard to the interpretation of the letter, I beg to be

corrected.

Mr. DRAKE. Here is an individual who, for disloyal acts, is now, as General Loan told me, a prisoner of war. Mr. Marmaduke has never taken the oath that I was required to take before being elected to this body; and perhaps if he were called upon to take that oath, he would refuse to do so. But whether he would or not, it is enough for the present that he is at this moment a prisoner of war for disloyal conduct against the Government of the United States; and we are called upon now, as the representatives of the people of Missouri, to send an invitation to St. Louis for Mr. Marmaduke, a rebel, a prisoner of war, so far as military action makes him so, to come here and participate in the deliberations of this body, and settle the affairs of the State of Missouri. I, for one, will vote against any such proceeding.

There are seven of us sworn in here to-day,

whose consciences were arraigned before God in witness of the most uncompromising loyalty, past and present, to the United States, before a vote could be counted for us by the canvassing officer in the districts where we were elected; and yet we, the representatives of Missouri, are asked to invite here, to participate in conducting the affairs of the State, a man who never took that oath, and who, since he became a member of this body, has done things that required the military authorities to put their hands upon him and hold him! I, for one, will not do that thing; nothing on this earth will induce me to do it.

Mr. HALL of R. The military commander has not extended the limits of his parole to Jefferson City, because it would look as though he had done so for the purpose of sending a member to the Convention, or inducing him to attend, and because he thought it would be more courteous to the Convention to put it in this form; that the Convention should say whether it desired he should remove the obstacles at present in the way of Mr. Marmaduke's attendance here. The Commanding General did not do so without the sanction of the Convention, because there might be a feeling that we had undertaken to favor his attendance. No charges have been preferred against Mr. Marmaduke, and therefore I hope the Convention will request that that gentleman be allowed to take his seat, as it is important that his constituents be represented.

Mr. DRAKE. And now, because the Commanding General did not wish to put himself in that position, he wishes to put this Convention in the position of inviting this prisoner of war to its deliberations. And upon what ground does this Committee make this report? Upon the examination of documents from the Provost Marshal? No, sir; they go into the lobby, and they talk with the citizens of this place, and they speak of an interview between Gen. Loan and myself, and upon this they come to the Convention and ask us to do this deed! I cannot consent to it. I see nothing in it but the deepest humiliation to every individual member of this body, and, before a vote is taken, I move a call of the House.

Mr. SAMPLE ORR. The gentleman from St. Louis has spoken a little too stiffly for a youth; he is cutting in almost too deep. He knows nothing about him except that he is a prisoner of war for treason.

Mr. DRAKE. No, disloyalty.

Mr. ORR. I stand corrected. It seems ex

and six, shall take effect and be in force from and after their passage.

On motion of Mr. McFERRAN, the Conven

JEFFERSON CITY,
Tuesday, June 16, 1863.

The Convention met at 9 o'clock.
Prayer by the Chaplain.

THE CASE OF V. MARMADUKE.

Mr. HALL of Randolph. I move the previous question on the adoption of the report of the Special Committee to whom was referred the communication of the Provost Marshal General.

Mr. DRAKE of St. Louis. I ask that it may be momentarily withdrawn, that I may offer a resolution, as follows:

Resolved, That while the Convention may be of opinion, from the information now before it, that Mr. Marmaduke might, if present, take his seat as a member without objection, they respectfully refer back to the military authorities the question of the extension of his parole. Mr. HALL of R. It is due to this Convention that no more time should be taken up with this subject. I must insist upon the previous question being taken up.

Mr. STEWART. I call for the ayes and noes. I would like to know whether debate on the important question of admitting a rebel to a seat in this Convention is to be choked off.

Mr. DRAKE of St. L. I would request that the gentleman withdraw his motion, for the purpose of enabling me to offer an amendment.

Mr. HALL of R. On application of the member from St. Louis, I withdraw the motion in his favor.

as he was informed, his parole was extended to the city of St. Louis, and subsequently Col. Dick, the former Provost Marshal of this military department, extended his parole for a short time, to Saline county.

A few days ago Mr. Marmaduke applied to have his parole extended to Jefferson City, with the view of enabling him to take his seat in the Convention.

Now, whilst the military commandant of this department knows of no military reason why his parole should not be extended to Jefferson, as it had previously been extended to Saline, for a short time, he thinks it proper to submit the matter to the Convention, for the simple reason that he does not wish to do an act which may seem to have the appearance of thrusting upon the Convention a man who has been adjudged by the military authorities to be disloyal, nor to interpose his authority, if, in the judgment of this Convention, it is proper that he should take his seat as a member of that body.

It has been intimated that Gen. Schofield has undertaken, by this course, to shift the responsibility of this matter from his own shoulders and throw it upon the Convention. It is not so, sir. He seeks to avoid no responsibility which belongs to his position; but out of respect to this body, which represents the people of the State, he thought it eminently proper, as it seems to me every reflecting man must think, that, in the absence of any military reasons to the contrary, the Convention should judge, as a political question, whether it is proper that he should take his seat as one of its members. The Convention certainly is not precluded, by the action of the military au

Mr. Marmaduke is or is not loyal; and the Commanding General, by the course pursued, has simply said that he will respect such action, so far as the question of taking his seat in the Convention is concerned. If there were