SOME THOUGHTS FOR THE PRESIDENT'S CONSIDERATION, April 1, 1861.

First. We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy, either domestic or foreign.

Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable. The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for patronage, have prevented attention to other and more grave matters.

Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for both domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the Administration, but danger upon the country.

Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or general ones for ulterior and occasional action.

Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and perhaps not sufficiently explained. My system is built upon this idea as a ruling one, namely, that we must

CHANGE THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PUBLIC FROM ONE UPON SLAVERY, OR ABOUT SLAVERY, for a question upon UNION OR DISUNION.

In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, to one of Patriotism or Union.

The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, although not in fact a slavery or party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper manifested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by Union men in the South. I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I deem it fortunate that the last Administration created the necessity.

For the rest I would simultaneously defend and re-enforce all the forts in the Gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be prepared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law.

This will raise distinctly the question of Union or Disunion. I would maintain every fort and possession in the South.

FOR FOREIGN NATIONS.

I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at

once.

I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America, to rouse a vigorous continental spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention.

it.

And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France,
Would convene Congress and declare war against them.

But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of

For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it incessantly.

or,

Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it,

Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide.

It is not my especial province.

But I neither seek to evade nor assume responsibility.

Certainly a more disturbing paper could hardly have been submitted by one man to another, under all the circumstances, and any common man-indeed, most great men-in Lincoln's place would have resented such an attempt to really dispossess, of the actual power of leadership, the man who must bear the responsibility. But Mr. Lincoln was no ordinary "great man." Cool, calm, practical, sagacious, wary, wise, as was his intellect, his character was even larger than that, and enabled him to treat the matter in such a manner that his great secretary should be quietly put back into his place, and yet without feeling the sting of mortification or wounded pride.

Mr. Lincoln on the same day sent to Mr. Seward the following reply:

HON. W. H. SEWARD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR: Since parting with you I have been considering your paper dated this day and entitled Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy, either domestic or foreign."

At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said, “The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter.

Again, I do not perceive how the re-enforcement of Fort Sumter would be done on a slavery or party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on a more national and patriotic one.

The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign policy.

Upon your closing proposition, that "whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it,

For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it incessantly,

Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or

"Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on must end, and all agree and abide," I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed without good reason or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the cabinet. Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

While the world did not know the cause of Mr. Seward's unfaltering devotion and indefatigable labors in seconding from that time forth his great chief, yet the fact of his admirable and effective administration of the State Department long ago won him imperishable renown; doubtless his keen eye instantly detected what manner of man he had to deal with, and he responded with appreciative gratitude to the opportunity given him to retrieve his grave mistake.

There is no reason to suppose that any one in those days, outside of the parties interested, knew of the occurrence, but it must have given the astute Secretary of State a start of surprise to find himself so easily subordinated, followed by a thrill of confidence and joy, to know that he was still the trusted adviser of so wise and strong a man.

We may here properly quote again from Horace Greeley's Lincoln address (Century Magazine, July, 1891) showing how the man grew to great leadership by always taking the needed step when the need arose:

"He was not a born king of men, ruling by the resistless might of his natural superiority, but a child of the people, who made himself a great

persuader, therefore a leader, by dint of firm resolve, patient effort and dogged perserverance. He slowly won his way to eminence and fame by ever doing the work that lay next to him-doing it with all his growing might-doing it as well as he could, and learning by his failure, when failure was encountered, how to do it better. . . . He was open to all impressions and influences, and gladly profited by the teaching of events and circumstance, no matter how adverse or unwelcome. There was probably no year of his life in which he was not a wiser, cooler and better man than he had been the year preceding."

CHAPTER XXIX.

THE GREAT AWAKENING.

A Steady Hand-The Rebellion extending-The Loyal North-The Baltimore Mob-Rebellion in Maryland—Confederate Hopes and Failures -Peril of Washington-Arrival of Troops from the North-The Gateway to the North-Arrival of the New York Seventh-Capture of Baltimore-Case of Col. Robert E. Lee-Secession of VirginiaCall for Three Years' Volunteers-Crushing of Secession in Maryland. On the 6th of March, 1861, the Confederate Congress had passed a law for the establishment of "The Army of the Confederate States of America." From that time forward the armed forces of the Rebellion ceased to be "State troops," defending State rights or the boundary lines or the territorial integrities of States.

The proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, therefore, did not at all refer to or deal with commonwealths or communities, or even the doctrine of secession, but with unlawful combinations of individuals banded for an assault upon the national life and the plunder of national property.

While the States of the North, as such, were called upon to furnish their quotas of militia, the same summons was addressed in set terms to such of the border and Southern States as could be reached, and to all "loyal citizens,” for it was to the people as a mass that the President looked for support. A feeble cry arose in some quarters that the judiciary should in some manner have been appealed to, but the cumbrous machinery of the courts was set aside by the obvious fact of its insufficiency, and the cries died into silence. There were many who, with greater appearance of sound reason, were eager for an immediate assembling of Congress; but, in Mr. Lincoln's knowledge and perception, a large part of the membership of that body had need of special education through the sure course