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educated labor is required instead of manual, then the system of slavery may yield to the science of machinery. The genial south was designed by God to produce from her rich soil materials for the scientific north to mould into usefulness-and for the production of those materials, the labor of the Ethiopian is as necessary as light is to day, or darkness to night. The element of greatness in our empire is the boundless productiveness of the south, and indefatigable manufacturing energy of the north. For our wealth and prosperity as a whole, it is essential that each section should develope all her resources; and for the accomplishment of that, the labor and endurance of the negro is a necessity in the south. The condition of the African there is infinitely better than it was in his native country and his original savage state, and far better upon an average than the condition of free negroes in the north. The sum of human happiness and human comfort is as great in the south as in the north, and that hand of Providence, which chastens inevitably the vices of nations as well as of individuals, has never fallen with its blighting influence upon that portion of our land more than upon any other. When God in his providence shall see fit to scourge us for the luxury of our growing wealth and opulence, that chiding will come in the defeat of Democratic principles, and the triumph of the Republican party. Then truly shall we be delivered up to ruin and disaster.

All the political fanaticism of the North, and all the bitter animosity against the South, has its birthright in the doctrines of the Republican leaders. Many a good man is made mad by their heresies, and drawn from the useful pursuits of his life into incendiarism against his happy country. The unfortunate Brown, who is justly under condemnation of law, for treason and murder, would, perhaps, be in the peaceful circle of his family, at Utica, but that the doctrines of Republicanism found their way to his quiet home, and made a deluded philanthropist of the humble farmer-destroying forever his domestic fireside, and blindly urging him on to burn down the fabric of his country.

Democratic statesmen should, in the severest terms, condemn the recent outrage at Harper's Ferry,* and trace it to its legiti

* This affair has been most ably and fully analyzed in an address issued from a sub-committee of the "Democratic Vigilant Association," of New York,-an organization of distinguished, influential and wealthy Domocrats, lately called into being by the impending crisis in national and local affairs. The address is exhaustive in its expositions of fact, and is characterized throughout by a sound spirit of patriotism and progress, that is deserving of the highest respect and emulation. The following well-known gentlemen (sub-committee), are those under whose names the pamphlet is put forward:-Watts Sherman, James Lee,

mate source, and charge the people to hold the Republican leaders with their Abolition allies, responsible for exciting misguided men to such treasonable and murderous work. That poor old man, who now lies incarcerated in a dungeon in Virginia, is less responsible for the murder of his countrymen than Seward, Giddings, Phillips, and Gerrit Smith; who, by their sophistry, inflamed the sedition in his breast, and if he is executed-as in all probability he will be-his blood will call out from the grave for vengeance upon those men. Let the representatives of the Democracy, and all others who are loyal to the Constitution and the Union, trace these evils to their source, and call down the just indignation of the people upon them. In the moment of a country's danger, the man who sees clearly its source, and boldly proclaims it to the people, without fear of the local effect upon his fortunes, is the statesman for all sections to approve, and to eleɣate to power, so that he may unite with his clear-sighted judgment the capability to act for the general weal. The time has come when the people can only trust such men as are known by their past record to be national statesmen; to such men as cannot, by local causes, be turned aside from the great good of the nation.

The true statesman ever merges self and section into the good of his people, and awaits the inevitable moment, when he may become the servant of his grateful country. The mission of the Democratic party is now more than ever before to stand by the rights of all sections of the Republic, and uphold firmly and fearlessly the Constitution and the Union as established by the Fathers. Every people have their periods of vicissitude and trial. Those are however but necessary in our onward and irresistible progress, to remind us of the invaluable blessings, which as a nation, we enjoy. They serve to revive the otherwise slumbering virtue and energies of the Republic-strengthening, when the danger is overcome, the bonds which connect the confederacy. The great struggle of 1860 is already at hand: the opposition have been compelled by political or party exigencies to unmask their sectional batteries. While the thunders of the conflict are gathering, let the Democratic legions rally in united column once more to confront and conquer the adversaries of the State Rights, and the enemies of our common Constitution and common country.

Algernon S. Jarvis, B. M. Whitlock, Charles A. Lamont, Joel Wolfe, Samuel L. M. Barlow, Reuben Withers, George J. Forrest, N. W. Chater, Arthur Leary, George C. Collins, James Olwell, B. N. Fox, John McKesson, Elias S. Higgins, Isaac Townsend, Stephen Johnson, Joel Conklin, Schuyler Livingston, J. T. Soutter, Benjamin H. Field, Moses Taylor, Royal Phelps, E. K. Alburtis, William T. Coleman, John T. Agnew, George Greer, John W. Culbert, Henry Yelverton, Thomas F. Young.

THE THRONES OF EUROPE THE FARM OF THE COBURGS.

THE chosen people of the Lord, the history of whose wanderings forms the basis of our religion, sprang from a single individual of mean birth; so, too, each family in Europe, save where in rare instances, as in the case of the Courtenays, it goes back to remote antiquity, beyond the Christian era, shows some Rudolph of Hapsburg, some humble man, who, by dint of genius, by accident, or good fortune, has succeeded in causing it to rise above the rank of its fellows, and acquire a place in the golden book of nobility. It is the preservation of an unbroken family record which makes one man noble, and the want of it which renders another not so, for apart from one common origin in a single Adam, we will find everywhere scattered around us undoubted descendants of acknowledged nobility filling menial offices, whilst those whose ancestors were once considered the lowest of creation drive in gilded coaches and are waited upon by the unconscious descendants of the barons whose names are inscribed in the roll of Battle Abbey. But whilst we Americans admit the folly of any man attempting to assert a claim of superiority from his connexion with departed worth, and are rather inclined to hold to the Scriptural doctrine, "Blessed are the children whose parents are damned;" the nations on the other side of the water, blinded by prejudice, bow down to those who have not even a right to demand respect on the principles which lie at the foundation of all heraldic distinction. Intermarriage, revolutions, and the decree of nature have annihilated for ever the Plantagenets, Tudors, Valois, and Stuarts, whilst the Bourbons, driven out of France, are tottering to decay in Spain and Naples, and showing indications of a worn out race. New families clothing themselves in old traditions strive to assume the glories of the past. Whilst historians look to a hundred different causes for grandeur and decay whilst they speak of national antipathy and geographical position as elements of hostility and disturbers of harmony amongst nations, they overlook or have not the courage to mention the effect produced on European politics in the last ten years by the fact that in the elevation of the Emperor of France a new family has been introduced into kingly Europe, to dispute the monopoly of rule which the Coburgs had acquired by the peaceful conquests of the mar riage bed, such conquests admit of and are conducive to mediocrity and conservatism; whilst he whose title rests on the

memory of departed glory is required to rival that glory which he holds up to admiration. Apart from other griefs, the Coburgs can never forgive Napoleon III. for the mortal injury he inflicted upon them not only by not selecting a wife from their assortment, but for the fatal blows he aimed at their monopoly by connecting himself with one of not even princely blood, setting an example dangerous if not destructive to their future aspirations. In view of the wonderful success of a family, who, with talents below mediocrity and a position insig nificant if not contemptible amidst European princes, have succeeded by their physical attributes alone, in introducing themselves into the bosom of every royal family in Europe and not only growing fat at the expense of the houses of Orleans, Braganza, Romanoff, Hapsburg, and Hohenzollern, and causing to be erected for themselves the thrones of Belgium and Greece, but two of whom in succession have married the heiresses of England, and extracted rivers of wealth from the reluctant John Bull whilst secretly laughing at his boasted freedom, and causing the stupid blusterer, in apparently following his own pleasure, to do their will, it may not be uninteresting to give a sketch of their career, and show in what manner, by a network of judicious marriages, they came to hold all Europe in their power-and how they are now about to break down. When the Congress of Vienna, whose map of Europe is soon to be revised, actuated by a hatred of France and elated by a victory over one who had long held them in subjection, met to restore the balance of power, all except England were greedy for some acquisition to compensate them for years of humiliation. The fairest portion of Italy was chained in unwilling subjection to the house of Hapsburg, Sardinia obtained Genoa, and for Prussia the little princes of Germany were robbed of their crowns and reduced to private life, with the exception of a few whose insignificance rendered easy a show of justice in allowing them to retain their nominal rank, the funds to maintain which they now drew from the sale of mineral waters and the keeping of gambling houses for the wealthy idlers of Europe. Accident, however, which has a far greater effect npon the fate of nations than human pride will admit, opened for them unexpectedly a field for greatness, agreeable, easy of access, and rich beyond the wildest dreams of the imagination. The frequent wars in which Europe has so often been involved from the claims of the descendants of royal houses have induced the policy of causing princesses on marrying into a foreign country to make a formal abandonment of any right of their children to return and take possession of the parent soil, hence when a crown of the first magnitude descends to a

female, a husband of noble birth and scanty means, who will be contented with functions of a private nature, and whose ambition is confined to obtaining a comfortable home, is preferred to one who rules in his own right. The constant intermixture of the same blood during a series of years has so corrupted the royal lines of Europe that race after race has died out for want of a new element to refresh it. Whilst the field of choice is thus restricted for the other nations, England is, by the prejudices of her people, tied down to a Protestant connexion, and her reigning house has intermarried with the more considerable of the minor German powers, till her blood royal has concentrated within itself all their impurities. When the Princess Charlotte, only child of George IV. and his much abused spouse, was pronounced of age, and the ministry turned their attention to affording the people the spectacle of a royal marriage, the Princess herself fixed her eyes upon Leopold of Saxe Coburg, who, with a handsome face, a long pedigree, and a letter of credit for $1,000, lodged over a greengrocer's in an out-of-the-way part of London, his highest aspiration being to attract some city heiress. Some men have greatness thrust upon them. The daughter of George IV. and Queen Caroline was deemed safer as a wife than if left unprovided for, she declared that she would have this husband and no other, and thus the poor German prince became the son-in-law of the English monarch, with Claremont for a country-seat, and £30,000 a year for pocket-money, to be raised to £50,000 a year, should he have the misfortune to survive his wife. At the end of a few months the amiable princess was laid in the grave, with the child on whose birth such expectations depended. Eagerly as the people have always looked forward to the birth of an heir to the splendid sinecure of British royalty, they had in this case special reason for renewed hope. From the time of Charles I. not a single individual had sat upon that throne who could have passed muster in ordinary life as a man of amiable character, decent morals, or average intellect, with perhaps the exception of William III., whose feelings were so personally hostile to England that nothing but the vast resources which he drew from her for his continental wars induced him to remain there at all, or quit for a moment his beloved Holland.

Charles II. had undergone in his youth all the privations to which dethroned princes are subject; and disgusted with the selfishness, stupidity, and bigotry of the English nation-a Catholic at heart, yet forced to sustain a church which his good sense told him had not enough of faith to stand by tradition, nor enough of candor to rest on reason, a church which owed its

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