CHAPTER XX.

Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln.-His Character.-The Grand Question at the Time how to avoid War.-Mr. Everett's Favorable Position to judge, and his Opinion.-Resolutions of a pacific Spirit pass the House by a two-thirds Vote too late, but not acted upon in the Senate. The Inaugural Address.-The Purpose only to maintain and defend the Union.-A Disavowal of any Intent to use Force.-The Policy temporizing and conciliatory.-Interview with Delegates from the Virginia Assembly after the Attack on Fort Sumter; still on the Defence.-Statement of the Purposes of Secession by the Commissioner from Mississippi to Maryland; not the Object to dissolve the Union.The Grand Naval Expedition, and the Assault on Fort Sumter.-Mr. Campbell, exAssociate Justice of the Supreme Court, and Mr. Seward.-Extract from Leading Journals, in Relation to the Affair of Fort Sumter.-The New York Herald.-The Charleston Courier.-The New York Tribune.—The Herald again.—Mr. Seward, no doubt, intended to fulfil his Engagement.-The Unhappy Results of the incongruous Composition of the Republican Party.-Despatch to the New York Herald.-The Effect of "Pressure,"

On the fourth of March, 1861, the day following the final action of Congress in the rejection of the "Peace Measures," Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated.

The new President was a person of scarcely more than ordinary natural powers, with a mind neither cultivated by education, nor enlarged by experience in public affairs. He was thus incapable of any wide range of thought, or, in fact, of obtaining any broad grasp of general ideas. His thoughts ran in narrow channels. He was infirm of purpose, so far as to be liable to be led by sharper minds and more resolute wills; though, like persons of that character, not unfrequently insisting upon minor points of consideration, whether right or wrong. He was of that class of men, who, under color of good intentions, often fail of bringing any good purpose to pass. He had been put in training by the Western Republicans, to hold a political contest with Mr. Douglas, in order

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to become his rival for the Presidency; as manifesting certain eccentricities of thought and expression, and occasionally a humorous style of addressing popular assemblies which is taking with the multitude. By a large majority of the people he had never been heard of, before his nomination; and it was owing more to their ignorance, than to their knowledge of him, that he obtained their votes, in obedience to party dictation. He found himself at the head of affairs at the most critical period in the history of the country, and in the midst of dangers and embarrassments sufficient to try the abilities of the most prudent and sagacious statesman; and it is no wonder that he seldom understood what the situation demanded, and seldom failed to commit mistakes when he acted for himself. His character appears to have been defiled by no vices; but much more than this was requisite in his position. Mr. Lincoln had a certain shrewdness, but was inoffensive in disposition; and in most inferior stations could scarcely have failed to win good will. His dreadful assassination threw around him the halo of martyrdom. There could hardly have been a Chief Magistrate, in whose case a fate so tragic and terrible could seem more incongruous with all his personal characteristics. We know little more of "Duncan's " public life, than that he bore his faculties with exemplary meekness. To the murdered President the same tribute may be justly paid. He was as far from being a tyrant, as he was from being a statesman. He was undoubtedly patriotic, and sincerely so, by instinct, habit, and sentiment; but his well-known letter to the editor of the New York Tribune, overlooking the causes of Union in attempting to preserve it, shows that his patriotism was in the manner of those who do not clearly comprehend the true grounds of patriotism, or fully appreciate those objects of civil government, which inspire the cordial affections of intelligent and earnest lovers of free institutions. There have been those, since his death, who have seen fit to compare him with the first great President; but there could scarcely exist a personal contrast more marked, than that between

his somewhat loosely constituted and indecisive character, and the firm texture which distinguished the calm and moderate, yet high-toned and sagacious mind of Washington.

The causes of the war-that is, the course of events leading to that hostile state of feeling preliminary to a trial of strength between rival powers-may be thought to have been made manifest in this volume in sufficient detail. The grand question before the country now certainly was-How actual war-civil war-the guilt of bloodshed among a kindred people-not improbably the horrible and revolting excesses of a servile insurrection, might be avoided. Whereever a truly patriotic and Christian heart beat, throughout the length and breadth of the land, its fervent supplication was, that a calamity so direful might in mercy be averted— that some way of escape might be provided, from an alternative so needless. There was probably no person so favorably situated as Mr. Everett had been, to learn the exact state of opinion at Washington, and to see clearly what the exigency at hand demanded. His public reputation needs no comment. He had devoted himself conspicuously, for several preceding years, to a great national object, calculated to draw more closely together the ties of the Union.' He had just been a candidate, at the sacrifice of his private feelings, and for the sake of the cause of the distinctively denominated "Union party." He was well known for his moderation in all things. He was in friendly relations with the leading men of all parties throughout the country. Notwithstanding his political position, he was on the best of social terms with those members of the Republican party who were likely to encourage a moderate policy; one of whom at least became the most conspicuous member of the administration, shortly after Mr. Everett's letter to Boston, already cited, was written, and was the acknowledged leader of the Republican party; if any man could be said to lead a party distracted

1 The purchase of Mount Vernon, by the people of the United States, as a perpetual memorial of "The Father of bis Country."

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by such discordant views, and which he was often compelled to follow through many strange vagaries. Mr. Everett had written, in this letter of February 2d:

"I have yielded, at the sacrifice of personal convenience, to the advice and request that I would prolong my stay at Washington with a view to conference with members of Congress, and other persons from various parts of the Union, who are uniting their counsels and efforts for its preservation.”

This, then, upon such unexceptionable testimony, was the great object, which, with his unsurpassed means of forminghis judgment, Mr. Everett thought could be accomplished only by preventing the secession of the important slave States which had not yet determined upon that step. Nor can there be any question that he expressed the opinions of others, able from their position to give the turn to affairs, as well as his own, when he wrote to the Boston committee, that it was preposterous" to expect to hold fifteen States in the Union by force," and that "the idea of a civil war, accompanied as it would be by a servile insurrection is too monstrous to be entertained for a moment." The eventual result of secession and the non-occurrence of servile insurrection do not change the face of the question. As Mr. Everett states the aspect of the case, it so presented itself at the time. Indeed, great uncertainty hung upon men's minds, in regard to the probable situation in the future. Evidently Congress was not disposed to assume the responsibility of inaugurating war, whatever turn affairs might take, since it purposely omitted to make any provision for such an event. Indeed, towards the close of the session, a series of resolutions was passed by the House of Representatives, which betokened any thing rather than a disposition for war. They adopted some of the measures recommended by the Peace Conference, but said nothing of the compromise line and slavery in the territories. But the first of the series indicates their spirit. It was as follows:

“That the existing discontents among the Southern people, and the growing hostility to the Federal Government among them, are greatly to be regretted ; and that whether such discontents and hostility are without just cause or not, any

reasonable, proper, and constitutional remedies, and additional and more specific guarantees of their peculiar rights and interests, as recognized by the Constitution, necessary to preserve the peace of the country and the perpetuity of the Union, should be promptly and cheerfully granted."

This was surely the right spirit to entertain and to manifest, in the midst of a domestic quarrel which was on the eve of coming to blows; and it may be considered certain that, if a similar spirit had prevailed at an early period of the session, the foundation, at least, would have been laid for an amicable adjustment of the controversy. The whole series passed the House by a vote of 136 to 53, which was more than a two-thirds majority, although more than half of the Southern members had already relinquished their seats. To be sure it was rather late for mere resolves; but even these, though passed as "joint resolutions," and, therefore, requiring the concurrence of the Senate, failed of gaining any notice in that body, until during the haste and confusion of the few last hours of the final night of the session, and then were not even put to vote.

So far as any definite idea of the policy proposed by the new administration could be gathered from the inaugural address of the President, it certainly seemed as pacific in spirit as that indicated by the action of the House. A single passage of this address will exhibit its general tone, and is of much importance, in view of transactions shortly af terwards to take place. Mr. Lincoln stated it as—

Only the declared purpose of the Union, that it will constitutionally maintain and defend itself. In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none, unless it is forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and collect the duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among people anywhere.

"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors."

It is difficult to conceive how much less than this could have been said by the Chief Magistrate, under the existing