party, and whose general reputation served to throw somewhat into the shade his more recent erratic demonstrations; and, having been ready to accept him as the candidate of the convention, they submitted to its proffer of another, as resulting from motives of policy in which the interests of the party were concerned. In their present temper, they probably did not scrutinize the "platform" very closely. "Success a duty," was the spirit of the day in their circle. The Northern masses had been, in fact, very much confused by a succession of constitutional questions, which it is obvious the majority of the people were not likely to comprehend; but they were told that in those questions was involved the 66 cause of the North," and the "cause of freedom." One statement appealed to sectional sentiments; the other to natural emotions.

Undoubtedly, one resolution adopted by the convention, in which the draughtsmen had exhibited, at least, as much power of language and skill in addressing themselves to the wishes of the North, as acquaintance with the simplest principles of political economy, made a very favorable impression upon the Northern masses. Besides the unobjectionable recommendation of a tariff for protection of imported articles, in conformity with Whig opinions and precedents—with a certain sweeping generosity, they may be said to have originated "that policy of national exchanges, which secures to the workingman liberal wages and to agriculture remunerating prices; to manufacturers and mechanics an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise; and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence." These were magnificent promises, indeed, could they only have been fulfilled; but how far the Republican party made even an attempt to carry out this practical system of "national exchanges,” the history of succeeding years, while they have been in possession of power, will show.' But, on the whole, the majority

1 There is little doubt, however, that this nonsensical piece of mystification secured them a more powerful influence in the election than the negro.

FALSE SECURITY FATAL.

365 of the North did not at all appreciate the impending danger of civil convulsion. They were sedulously encouraged in this false security by the Republican leaders. They were told by those who had just made a virtual proclamation of disunion and war, which required only a response from the other side to carry it into effect, that there was no sort of danger of disunion or of war. They believed that the crisis would pass away, like others which had preceded it. Forgetting, or unconscious, that the very fabric of the constitutional Union rested upon the shoulders of the people, to be carried along by them, in the use of constant vigilance and exertion, and that without their support it would fall, they were persuaded to make one mighty and simultaneous effort to slip their shoulders out, and let it topple over into the ditch.

CHAPTER XV.

What has been shown in this Volume.-A Declaration of Mr. Lincoln, in 1858.-The Prospects of the Canvass.-"Union-savers."-The Sentiment of the Army.-The Difference between the Whigs and the Freesoil Party.-The Election.-How Resentment at the West, on account of alleged Ill-Treatment of Mr. Douglas favored the Election of Mr. Lincoln.-The Party of "Progress."-Young America.

It has been already shown

That the Missouri Compromise Act was repealed, and was intended to be repealed by the Compromise measures of 1850; since the provisions of the latter were entirely inconsistent with those of the former; and a state of facts had arisen which rendered the earlier Compromise positively inoperative; that is, by the action of the people of California, to which Congress was under the moral necessity of conforming:

That the Whig party, by the resolutions of its Convention, in the year 1852, had adopted the latter measures, in spirit and in substance; and the Democratic party, by its Convention of the same year, placed itself on exactly the same footing:

That the Act of 1854, for the organization of territorial governments in Nebraska and Kansas, was in precise conformity with those measures:

That the Democratic Convention, in the year 1856, by its formal resolutions, adopted these principles, "as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery question "— and defined them to mean-"Non-interference by Congress with slavery in State and territory," etc.

The opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States,

DEMOCRATIC WAVERING.

367

pronounced afterwards, in the Dred Scott case, on the part of the majority of its justices, proved to be identical with these principles; though its determination was reached, of course, not upon popular, but upon legal considerations. That is to say, it held that, although Congress had authority to establish territorial governments wherever necessary, yet, by reason of constitutional limitation of its powers, it could not prohibit the ownership of slaves by citizens of territories. This was the "non-interference" doctrine of the Democratic platform, and principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Act; both of which recognized the right of the inhabitants of the territories to hold slaves, if they saw fit, while the territorial condition remained; and to determine for themselves, by vote of a majority, when they framed their constitutions, whether to come into the Union as slave States or free.

It has also been shown, upon what apparently narrow grounds the division of the Democratic party took place, in the spring of 1860. It appears that a reunion might have been effected, by an explicit endorsement of the Dred Scott decision; which would have been in conformity with the views of Mr. Douglas himself, as communicated to his supporters in the Convention. At Charleston, however, the "Northern wing" of that body-declaring that differences of opinion existed in the party upon this point-had resolved that it would "abide by the decisions" (not decision) “of the Supreme Court, on the questions of constitutional law." This expression implied, and was intended, no doubt, to imply, that there might be other and different decisions, affecting the point at issue, upon some future change of members of the bench. At Baltimore, after the adjournment, the "Northern wing" made its meaning still more evident, by resolving-that the decision of the Supreme Court, in regard to the power of Congress over the territories, “as the same has been, or shall be hereafter finally determined," by the tribunal, should be "respected and enforced." This, as seamen would say, was clearly "laying an anchor to windward." It implied an opinion, on the part of the Northern section of

the Convention, that the question at issue had not been finally determined; perhaps, an expectation and a wish that it should be revised. In reality, it was casting a cloud of uncertainty, at least, over the whole basis of Democratic principles on this point. And, although it seems peculiarly unfortunate, that the future of a great country should have been made dependent upon a merely possible future contingency; yet it is obvious that the phraseology thus insisted upon by the Northern Democrats, left the Southern men to infer a want of fidelity to principles deemed of vital importance by themselves, and which had been so solemnly declared and so often acted upon by the whole party, upon former occasions, both in Congress and in the country. Evidently, therefore, the conclusion was reached by those who finally seceded from the Convention, that the Northern section of the party could not be depended upon in the future, as it had been in the past, for united action with its Southern allies, in opposition to fanaticism and abolition. Hence, therefore, is the reason and the cause of a division so deplorable in its ultimate consequences.

The Whig party stood before the country, at this crisis, in the attitude indicated by the motto it had adopted—“The Constitution, the Union, and the Enforcement of the Laws." Doubless much diversity of opinion existed among its members, in reference to some of the legislation of Congress upon the vexed questions at issue, and in relation to the decision of the Supreme Court. But they were, in general, of that class of citizens who uphold "law and order;" who are obedient to the laws, as they exist; and who resort only to legitimate means for any change in such measures of legislation as may seem to them objectionable.

The position of the Republican party has been sufficiently exhibited. Its candidate, Mr. Andrew remarked at the ratification meeting in Boston, was "the representative of the Republican party all over the Union"-that is to say, of course, in those States in which a Republican party had any existence. He was best known as the antagonist of Mr.