by classical and literary studies, fell somewhat short of that more widely extended reputation as a statesman, to which his ability and his earnest patriotism would have entitled him,—himself, like Mr. Webster, originally a Whig of the Whigs-took frankly the course indicated. In his company were multitudes of distinguished men, whom once the old Whig party delighted to honor, and who, by their steadiness to ancient constitutional principle, could not but challenge the respect of their former associates, however changed might be the public relations between them. Indeed, the meaning of party names was fast becoming modified, as it was afterwards completely reversed; until, by Democracy was understood Conservatism, and its opponents, in general, were known as Radicals.

After the rule of the Coalition had extended to two years, such had become the popular disgust, that the Whigs in the election for State officers, of the two following years, obtained a plurality of more than 20,000 votes over the Democrats, and one still larger over the Freesoilers; and the Whig candidates, on both occasions, were chosen by the legislature. But in the election of November, 1854, a novel phase of party manifestations was exhibited, which seriously affected the Whig organization throughout the country, as well as in the State of Massachusetts, and which helped to drive home the blow it had received, by its defeat in the general election of 1852. The national vote had then indicated very clearly the popular sentiment in favor of the measures adopted by Congress in 1850. Of the thirty-one States, all but four gave pluralities for the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. The new issue now introduced made manifest one of the strangest mutations of popular feeling, perhaps, ever witnessed in human experience. An extraordinary mania seemed to possess the public mind, almost neutralizing all other delusions which were not a few, and spread through the country, absorbing a portion of the strength of both political parties in the South, but more particularly affecting the anti-Democratic organizations of the North.

This phenomenon worked for a brief space quite out of the common view, and then burst forth with irresistible but short-lived fury, bewildering with astonishment those who were not in the secret of the organization. This was the American or “Know-Nothing" party, based upon the idea of very much limiting, for the future, those privileges of citizenship which were already awarded by law to naturalized persons of foreign birth. It was a scheme which might have been of highly beneficial operation, if put in practice a generation earlier; but could only prove unequal in its effects, and really impracticable, after many millions of the natives of other lands had flocked to the country, with the full understanding that they were to enjoy, in time, the ordinary rights of native-born Americans. In fact, a generation had then nearly passed, since a very important measure of relaxation had been applied to the naturalization laws. Some of the Western States were almost, if not quite, lawless, in the broad allowance of voting-privileges granted by them to residents of every description. But the very name by which the new party was called, and which it assumed as its password, was a falsehood, and utterly antirepublican in its nature. For a Republic demands open and fair dealing among its citizens.

CHAPTER IX.

National Politics.-Union Sentiment.-Mr. Fillmore's Administration.-The Democratic National Convention of 1852.-It adopts fully the Compromises of 1850.-The Whig National Convention of that Year does the same.-Resolutions of the Freesoil Convention at Pittsburg, denouncing those Measures.-Insignificance of the latter Party, at that Period.-Action of the Whig Convention.-Availibility, instead of Sound Policy.— Growing Conservatism of the Democracy.-The Native American Party.-How composed. Its "National Council," in 1855, adopts the Compromises of 1850.-But its "Lodges" corrupted by admitting Political Freesoilers into Fellowship.-The “National Council," in 1856, changes Front.-Decay of Public Virtue.-The faithful of the old Whig Party.-Policy of the Democrats.

In tracing the brief story of this strange "American" movement, it is proper to recur for a moment to the condition of national politics.. The administration of President Fillmore came to a close on the 3d of March, 1853, and President Pierce, who had been chosen, in the November preceding, over General Scott, the Whig candidate, was inaugurated on the following day. It ought to be stated, that the difference in the popular vote given for those two candidates, though more than usual, was not so great, as to suggest any reasonable grounds of discouragement to the Whig party; supposing its principles to have been sufficiently patriotic and adhesive to hold it together for combined political action. The Democratic candidate received 1,590,490 votes; the Whig, 1,378,589; and it was felt, generally as a subject of sincere congratulation, that the Freesoil vote was but 157,296; which was a falling off of 134,382 votes before given for that faction in 1848.

On the whole, therefore, it appears, that a wholesome state of union sentiment prevailed throughout the country at

THE CONDITION OF THE REPUBLIC.

237 that period. Nothing had tended more to foster and to uphold this patriotic feeling than the dignified and honorable course of Mr. Fillmore's administration. There are few spectacles in the history of the country more gratifying, in the retrospect, than that of its condition at the close of his term of office. Mr. Webster had been Secretary of State until his death in October, 1852, and was succeeded by Mr. Everett for the remainder of that administration. Mr. Crittenden was Attorney-General. Both of these have since followed the great Secretary, but leaving memories as enduring as the annals of the country. The members of the Cabinet, still living, are Mr. Kennedy, of Maryland, Mr. Conrad, of Louisiana, and Mr. Hall, of New York.

At no period had the country enjoyed such peaceful prosperity at home, or such unqualified respect abroad. In fact, domestic disquiets had apparently reached their culminating point, and seemed to be rapidly subsiding, as floods from the clouds, which rush down heights in a storm, fall into and are borne away upon the tide of a great stream. Foreign slurs upon democratic institutions which appeared so thoroughly tested and in successful action had ceased altogether, and the republic, at length, manifestly held a place among the nations which in promise, at least, had no parallel in the history of the world. There was no need of exaggeration on this point. The coldest calculation could but reveal the prospect of an unexampled progress for the imperial republic. Rome, indeed, unmatched, of old, in power and grandeur, had extended its sway among multitudes of distant and barbarous nations, besides the vast rule it exercised over the more cultivated population within, or not very remote from the proper limits of its empire. But the American people had already increased to nearly twenty-five millions in number; were a race chiefly of one blood, and presented only such differences as might become readily blended into one compact and sufficiently harmonious whole. The actual “world” of Rome, comprehensive as were its pretensions, was small, indeed, in comparison with the extent of productive territory

within the specific boundaries and under the direct jurisdiction of the United States.

The state of public sentiment existing, at that time, in the several political parties; or, at least, that which their conventions felt it necessary to address to the public, upon those questions which had chiefly disturbed its quiet, will best appear by extracts from the series of resolutions adopted by each. It had already become a practice with the Freesoil orators to sneer at the idea of a "crisis" in the country-just as they afterwards derided the friends of the Constitution by the title of "Union-savers "-a delusion, if it were one, from which later events awoke them to surprise if not to regret. The serious tone of both the Whig and the Democratic resolves make manifest enough the light in which this subject was viewed by sober and sensible men. The Democrats were earliest on the ground, and met in convention at Baltimore, on the first day of June, 1852. They made known their principles, as follows:

Resolved, That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of every thing appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences: and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.

Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers, and is intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress; and, therefore, the Democratic party, standing on this national platform, will abide by, and adhere to, a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise Measures, settled by the last Congress-the act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included; which act being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency.

Resolved, That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made.