impport and excise should be appropriated to the payment of the interest of state securities as we have no other resource of obtaining money adequate to the payment of the interest of the foreign debt. Your petitioners also conceive that in the distress and poverty of the people absolute oeconomy should be introduced into all the branches of government, the servants of which are too noomerous and their salleries too high, and we cannot but think the examples of the neighbouring States in this respect worthy of imitation. The present practice of Law and the exorbitance of the fee table are universally complained off and we believe not without reason. We trust your honors will be of the same opinion if you turn your attention to the records of clerks, offices, the rules of the bar, of the insolence, influence and increasing wealth of the practitioners. We further pray the honourable Court will use their earnest endeavours that the accounts between this commonwealth and the continent may be spedily settled-as we apprehend that we have been disproportionably burthened—and think it a great hardship that we have no relief from the expenses of the Penobscot expedition. We pray your honors to pay attention to the situation of the holders of old continental money which lays dead on their hands without interest while they are taxed to pay the anual interest of securities the holders of which are exempted from taxes thereon; we conceive the grant of the supplimentary fund inconsistent with republican principles and is very grievous to this people. We pray that the [time] for payment of the first part of the present tax may be prolonged. We further pray that the Probate Courts may be regulated so as to be more expeditious and decisive in their opperation and less grievous to the subject as in the present mode. Many small estates are nearly swallowed up by the expences and time and travail in attendance. The present mode of registring deeds is inconvenient and we conceive it may be done with much less expence in the respective towns. And whereas there are many actions commenced by the absentees1 against the good people of this county and no doubt from the policy of our subtle enemies, and we conceive 1 Absentee tories, who were suing for the recovery of their debts under the treaty of peace. the creditor has too great advantage of the debtor by reason of the great scarcity of money. Therefore we pray your attention to every means proposed for the relief of debtors as far as is consistent with the treaty of peace of national faith. And your petitioners earnestly pray the honourable Court as soon as may be to issue precepts to the selectmen of the several towns, and to the assessors of unincorporated plantations, directing them to convene the qualified voters of their respective towns and plantations for the purpose of collecting their sentiments on the necessity or expediency of revising the constitution in order to [obtain] amendments, and if it shall appear by the returns made that two thirds of the qualified voters throughout the State, who shall assemble and vote in consequence of the said precepts, are in favour of such revision or amendment, the General Court is hereby instructed to issue precepts or direct them to be issued from the secretary's office to the several towns to elect delegates to meet in convention for the purpose afforesaid.1 We pray the attention of the honourable Court to these our grievances, in order to their speedy redress, and your petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray. PAXTON, September 28th, 1786. By order of and in behalf of WILLIS HALL, Chairman. [endorsed] In the House of Representatives, Oct. 4, 1786. Thursday morning. Assign'd for consideration, 1 The Constitution of 1780 provided that this might be done in 1795, but not before. 214 LETTERS ON THE INTERNAL SITUATION DEAR SIR, 1786-1787 (a) John Jay to Washington.1 PHILADELPHIA, June 27, 1786. . . . It is too true that the treaty has been violated. On such occasions I think it better fairly to confess and correct errors than attempt to deceive ourselves and others by fallacious, though plausible, palliations and excuses. To oppose popular prejudices, to censure the proceedings, and expose the improprieties of States, is an unpleasant task, but it must be done. Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis, some revolution-something that I cannot foresee or conjecture. I am uneasy and apprehensive; more so than during the war. Then we had a fixed object, and though the means and time of obtaining it were often problematical, yet I did firmly believe we should ultimately succeed, because I was convinced that justice was with us. The case is now altered; we are going and doing wrong, and therefore I look forward to evils and calamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them. That we shall again recover, and things again go well, I have no doubt. Such a variety of circumstances would not, almost miraculously, have combined to liberate and make us a nation for transient and unimportant purposes. I therefore believe that we are yet to become a great and respectable people; but when or how, the spirit of prophecy can only discern. There doubtless is much reason to think and to say that we are wofully and, in many instances, wickedly misled. Private rage for property suppresses public considerations, and personal rather than national interests have become the great objects of attention. Representative bodies will ever be faithful copies of their originals, and generally exhibit a checkered assemblage of virtue and vice, of abilities and weakness. The mass of men are neither wise nor good, and the virtue 1 Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay (H. P. Johnston ed.), iii. 203–5. Jay at this time was Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Confederation. like the other resources of a country, can only be drawn to a point and exerted by strong circumstances ably managed, or a strong government ably administered. New governments have not the aid of habit and hereditary respect, and being generally the result of preceding tumult and confusion do not immediately acquire stability or strength. Besides, in times of commotion, some men will gain confidence and importance, who merit neither, and who, like political mountebanks, are less solicitous about the health of their nostrums and prescriptions. New York was rendered less federal by the opinions of the late President of Congress. This is a singular, though not unaccountable fact-indeed, human actions are seldom inexplicable. What I most fear is, that the better kind of people, by which I mean the people who are orderly and industrious, who are content with their situations and not uneasy in their circumstances, will be led by the insecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, and the want of public faith and rectitude, to consider the charms of liberty as imaginary and delusive. A state of fluctuation and uncertainty must disgust and alarm such men, and prepare their minds for almost any change that may promise them quiet and security. Be pleased to make my compliments to Mrs. Washington, and be assured that I am, with the greatest respect and esteem, dear sir, Your obedient and humble servant, JOHN JAY. DEAR SIR, (b) Washington to John Jay.1 MOUNT VERNON, I August 1786. I have to thank you very sincerely for your interesting letter of the 27th of June, as well as for the other communication you had the goodness to make at the same time. I am sorry to be assured of what I had little doubt before, that we have been guilty of violating the treaty in some instances. What a misfortune it is, the British should have so well grounded a pretext for their palpable infractions! And what 1 Writings of Washington (W. C. Ford ed.), xi. 53–6. a disgraceful part, out of the choice of difficulties before us, are we to act ! Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be, is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct. We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our Confederation Experience has taught us, that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of a coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation without having lodged somewhere a power, which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the State governments extends over the several States. To be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the public, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? By the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the power before described, that their individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously for fear of losing their popularity and future election? We must take human nature as we find it. Perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinion, that Congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in applications to the States, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity and command obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity where thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited States are in the habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done? Things cannot go in the same train forever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with the circumstances, will have their |