America, and deprives the American subject of a constitutional trial by jury of the vicinage. . .

Also the three Acts passed in the last session of Parliament, for stopping the port and blocking up the harbour of Boston, for altering the charter and government of the MassachusettsBay, and that which is entitled An Act for the better administration of Justice'.

Also the Act passed the same session for establishing the Roman Catholick religion in the Province of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger, from so great a dissimilarity of religion, law, and government, of the neighbouring British colonies.

Also the Act passed the same session for the better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in His Majesty's service in North America.

Also that the keeping a standing army in several of these colonies in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which the army is kept, is against law.

To these grievous Acts and measures Americans cannot submit, but in hopes that their fellow-subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have for the present only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures: (1) To enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement or association. (2) To prepare an Address to the people of Great Britain, and a Memorial to the inhabitants of British America, and (3) To prepare a loyal Address to His Majesty, agreeable to resolutions already entered into.

THE ASSOCIATION 1

20 October 1774

WE, His Majesty's most loyal subjects, the delegates of the several colonies deputed to represent them in a Continental Congress, . . . to obtain redress of these grievances, which threaten destruction of the lives, liberty, and property of His Majesty's subjects in North America, we are of opinion that a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exporta

1 Journals of the Continental Congress (Ford ed.), i. 75–80. Callender, Selections from the Economic History of the U.S., 151-5.

tion agreement, faithfully adhered to, will prove the most speedy, effectual and peaceable measure; and therefore we do, for ourselves, and the inhabitants of the several colonies whom we represent, firmly agree and associate, under the sacred ties of virtue, honour, and love of country, as follows:

I. That from and after the first day of December next, we will not import into British America from Great Britain or Ireland, any goods, wares, or merchandise whatsoever, or from any other place, any such goods, wares, or merchandise, as shall have been exported from Great Britain or Ireland; nor will we after that day import any East-India tea from any part of the world; nor any molasses, syrups, paneles, coffee, or pimento from the British plantations or from Dominica; nor wines from Madeira or the Western Islands; nor foreign indigo.

2. We will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade,

3. . from this day, we will not purchase or use any tea, imported on account of the East India Company, and after the first day of March next, we will not purchase or use any East India tea whatever; nor will we . . . purchase or use any of those goods, wares, or merchandise we have agreed not to import,

4. The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellowsubjects in Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, induces us to suspend a non-exportation, until the tenth day of September 1775; at which time, if the said Acts and parts of Acts of the British Parliament hereinafter mentioned are not repealed, we will not directly or indirectly export any merchandise or commodity whatsoever to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, except rice to Europe.

5. [Merchants to send no more orders to Great Britain. 6. Shipowners to order their masters to lade no prohibited goods.]

7. We will use our utmost endeavours to improve the breed of sheep, and increase their number to the greatest extent; and to that end, we will kill them as seldom 1 as may be, especially those of the most profitable kind; nor will we export any to the West Indies or elsewhere; and those of us who are or may become overstocked with, or can conveniently 1 Altered to sparingly' in the pamphlet edition.

spare any sheep, will dispose of them to our neighbours, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms.

8. We will, in our several stations, encourage frugality, economy, and industry, and promote agriculture, arts and the manufactures of this country, especially that of wool; and will discountenance and discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse-racing, and all kinds of gaming, cock-fighting, exhibitions of shews, plays, and other expensive diversions and entertainments; and on the death of any relation or friend, none of us, or any of our families, will go into any further mourning-dress, than a black crape or ribbon on the arm or hat, for gentlemen, and a black ribbon and necklace for ladies, and we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarves at funerals.

9. [Profiteers in stocks on hand will be boycotted.]

10. In case any merchant, trader, or other person, shall import any goods or merchandise, after the first day of December, and before the first day of February next, the same ought forthwith, at the election of the owner, to be either re-shipped or delivered up to the committee of the county or town wherein they shall be imported, to be stored at the risque of the importer until the non-importation agreement shall cease, or be sold under the direction of the committee aforesaid..

II. That a committee be chosen in every county, city, and town, by those who are qualified to vote for representatives in the legislature, whose business it shall be attentively to observe the conduct of all persons touching this association ; and when it shall be made to appear, to the satisfaction of a majority of any such committee, that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated this association, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case to be published in the gazette; to the end, that all such foes to the rights of British-America may be publicly known, and universally contemned as the enemies of American liberty; and thenceforth we respectively will break off all dealings with him or her.

12. That the committee of correspondence, in the respective colonies, do frequently inspect the entries of their customhouses, and inform each other, from time to time, of the true state thereof, and of every other material circumstance that may occur relative to this association.

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13. That all manufactures of this country be sold at reasonable prices, so that no undue advantage be taken of a future scarcity of goods.

14. And we do further agree and resolve, that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings or intercourse whatsoever, with any colony or province in North America, which shall not accede to, or which shall hereafter violate this association, but will hold them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of their country.

And we do solemnly bind ourselves and our constituents, under the ties aforesaid, to adhere to this Association until [the Acts of Parliament complained of at the end of the Declaration and Resolves above] are repealed. And we recommend it to the provincial conventions and to the committees in the respective colonies to establish such farther regulations as they may think proper, for carrying into execution this association.

PEYTON RANDOLPH, President.
[Signed by all the members.]

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FROM JOHN ADAMS'S NOVANGLUS', NO. VII1
January 1775

AFTER a long discourse, which has nothing in it but what has been answered already, he ['Massachusettensis '] comes to a great subject indeed, the British Constitution, and undertakes to prove, that the authority of Parliament extends to the colonies'.

Why will not this writer state the question fairly? The Whigs allow that from the necessity of a case not provided for by common law, and to supply a defect in the British dominions which there undoubtedly is, if they are to be governed only by that law, America has all along consented, still consents and ever will consent, that Parliament, being the most powerful legislature in the dominions, should regulate

Works of John Adams (1851), iv. 99-116. The Novanglus' papers were written in answer to a series of articles by Judge Daniel Leonard, a loyalist, which were appearing in a Boston newspaper over the signature Massachusettensis '.

the trade of the dominions. This is founding the authority of Parliament to regulate our trade upon compact and consent of the colonies, not upon any principle of common or statute law; not upon any original principle of the English Constitution; not upon the principle that Parliament is the supreme and sovereign legislature over them in all cases whatsoever. The question is, not, therefore, whether the authority of Parliament extends to the colonies in any case, for it is admitted by the Whigs that it does in that of commerce; but whether it extends in all cases.

We are then detained with a long account of the three simple forms of government; and are told, that' the British Constitution, consisting of king, lords, and commons, is formed upon the principles of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, in due proportion; that it includes the principal excellences, and excludes the principal defects of the other kinds of government-the most perfect system that the wisdom of ages has produced, and Englishmen glory in being subject to, and protected by it'.

Then we are told,' that the colonies are a part of the British Empire'. But what are we to understand by this? Some of the colonies, most of them indeed were settled before the kingdom of Great Britain was brought into existence. The union of England and Scotland was made and established by Act of Parliament in the reign of Queen Anne, and it was this union and statute which erected the kingdom of Great Britain. The colonies were settled long before, in the reigns of the Jameses and Charleses. What authority over them had Scotland? Scotland, England, and the colonies were all under one king before that; the two crowns of England and Scotland united on the head of James I, and continued united on that of Charles I, when our first charter was granted. Our charter, being granted by him who was king of both nations, to our ancestors, most of whom were post nati, born after the union of the two crowns, and consequently (as was adjudged in Calvin's case) free, natural subjects of Scotland as well as England-had not the king as good a right to have governed the colonies by his Scottish as by his English parliament, and to have granted our charters under the seal of Scotland as well as that of England?

But to waive this. If the English Parliament were to govern us, where did they get the right without our consent, to take