its pleasure, and may repeal or modify as circumstances may render expedient.

Thus it is clear that upon this point, too, Mr. Wise and his party do not differ in principle from the American party. They will admit the right to impose restrictions on foreigners, and the expediency of doing so. They are content with a residence of five years as a prerequisite to citizenship; we think that too short a time, and contend some for ten,— some for fifteen, and some for twenty-one years. Thus the whole question resolves itself into one of time and not of principle. The question is not as to the propriety of a probation, but as to the length of that probation.

It is consoling to the American party thus, by a logical analysis of the matters really in issue between them and the Democracy, to find the latter sanctioning our principles and giving us the weight of their great names on our side of the question! We are happy to find them recognizing the cardinal doctrines of the American party, and we confidently anticipate that after the next Presidential election shall have revealed the fact that their foreign allies, whom they have so assiduously courted, have deserted them and gone over to the Black Republicans, they will unite with us not only in endorsing our principles, but also in advocating our policy!

I think we may therefore safely assume that there is nothing wrong in the abstract in this great principle of Americanism; this idea of preferring our country and our own countrymen to foreign countries and foreign men; this feeling of nationality and patriotism which prompts the wish that "Americans shall rule America!" We may also set it down as an admitted fact that it is not opposed to the principles or spirit of our fundamental laws, because we find it incorporated in both the Federal and State Constitutions, and in regard to the highest offices known to our Federal and State Governments!

In my next number I will show what the Fathers of the Republic thought and said on this subject; and Governor

Wise may prepare to "bow down" before the great names of Washington, and the Richmond Enquirer and Examiner to succumb to the authority of the Legislature of 1798-'9 and the Great Apostle of Democracy,-Thomas Jefferson. MADISON.

CHAPTER XV

MADISON LETTER NUMBER SIX-WHAT THE FATHERS OF THE REPUBLIC THOUGHT OF PREFERRING NATIVE CITIZENS TO FOREIGNERS

HEN differences of opinion arise in regard to any matter of principle or policy connected with the administration of the government, it is a safe rule to refer to the

opinions and practice of those who were its founders for instruction and guidance; for

however much our country may have progressed in the arts and sciences since the days of the Revolution, I doubt whether we have made any material advance within that time in patriotism or knowledge of the true principles of the Constitution.

Acting on this idea, I now ask your attention to what the Fathers of the Republic thought of that doctrine of the American party which declares a preference for natives of the country over foreigners for all places of public trust.

The first evidence to which I will refer on this point is a resolution reported to the Continental Congress, in 1777, by a committee of which Thomas Jefferson was chairman, and Mr. Sherman, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Read and Mr. Williams were members. It is in these words:

"Resolved, That it is inconsistent with the interests of the United States to appoint any person not a natural born citizen thereof to the office of Minister, Charge d'Affaires, Consul, or Vice-Consul, or to any other civil department in a foreign country; and that a copy of this resolve be sent to Messrs. Adams, Franklin and Jay, Ministers of the said States in Europe."

But what did George Washington think on this question?

The evidence on this point is abundant; but I must be satisfied with quoting but a few passages from his writings. Before doing so, however, I will call attention to some of his general orders whilst at the head of the army. They will be found in American Archives, 4th series, Vol. 2, p. 1630.

"You are not to enlist any person who is not an American born, unless such person has a wife and family, and is a settled resident of this country."

"The persons you enlist must be provided with good and complete arms.

"Given at headquarters, at Cambridge, this 10 July, 1775. Horatio Gates, Adj. Gen."

"By His Excellency, George Washington:

"General Orders.

"Parole-Dorchester; Countersign-Exeter.

"The General has great reason and is displeased with the negligence and inattention of those officers who have placed as sentries at the outposts men with whose character they are unacquainted. He, therefore, orders that for the future no man shall be appointed to those stations who is not a native of this country; this order is to be considered a standing one, and the officers are to pay obedience to it at their peril. "Fox, Adj. Gen. of the Day."

On 17th March, 1778, general orders were issued for one hundred men, "to be annexed to the guard of the Commander-in-Chief, for the purpose of forming a corps to be instructed in the manoeuvres necessary to be introduced into the army and serve as models for the execution of them." In the description of the men to be selected we find among the other qualifications required, the following: "They must be Americans born."

In a letter from General Washington to Colonel Spotswood, dated in 1777, and to be found in a recent publica

tion entitled "Maxims of Washington," p. 192, the following passage occurs:

"You will therefore send me none but natives, and men of some property if you have them. I must insist that in making this choice you give no intimation of my preference for natives, as I do not want to create any invidious distinction between them and foreigners."

The correspondence of General Washington, from the commencement of the Revolution almost to the date of his death, abounds in similar sentiments. I refer to a few of his letters:

"Morristown, May 7th, 1777. "Dear Sir: I take the liberty to ask you what Congress expects I am to do with the many foreigners that have at different times been promoted to the rank of field officers, and by their last resolve two to that of Colonels? These men have no attachment for the country further than interest binds them. Our officers think it exceedingly hard after they have toiled in the service and have sustained many losses, to have strangers put over them, whose merit perhaps is not equal to their own, but whose effrontery will take no denial. It is by the zeal and activity of our own people that the cause must be supported, and not by the few hungry adventurers. Geo. Washington."

"I am, &c.,

"To Richard H. Lee.

To the same: "You will, before this reaches you, have seen Monsieur Decoundray; what his real expectations are I know not; but I fear if this appointment is equal to what I have been told is his expectation, it will be attended with unhappy consequences, to say nothing of the policy of intrusting a department, on the execution of which the salvation of the army depends, to a foreigner who has no other tie to bind him to the interest of the country than honor. I would beg leave to observe that by putting M. Decoun