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as true, that sooner or later a Southern classes in this country,” he said, “who Confederacy would be established. “I by their habits, education, social and podo not come to that conclusion,” he said, litical position, are naturally disposed to " so much because I doubt the power of judge unfavorably any thing relating to the North to subjugate the South, though Republican power : and there are also the Southern States are unfavorable for many persons who have watched with a an aggressive, and favorable for a defen- feeling of uneasiness and anxiety the sivě war ; but the real difficulty seems growth of a power whose increasing to be this, supposing the Federal Gov- wealth and population have been more ernment to succeed in its object and to rapid than that of any European state, reconquer the Southern States, what will who were in point of population, almost they do with them when they have got the equal of the United Kingdom, and them? If their rights are not to be re- who have shown some disposition to use stored after the conquest, a powerful their power in an arrogant and hostile military government must be established, spirit.” and those principles of independence and Mr. Layard, the eminent Eastern travself-government which are the very basis eller, now a member of the House of of American institutions, must for a time Commons, representing the liberal party, at least be in abeyance. At present the in an address to his constituents at Southposition of the rival States is very like wark, on the 21st of November, while the case of a husband instituting legal he defended the neutrality policy of the proceedings in order to bring back his country, claimed that the conduct of wise to live with him. He may attain Parliament showed no lack of sympathy his object, but the question is, whether, with the national cause in America. The wlien he has attained it, he has done subject had been resolutely kept out of much to contribute to his own domestic the House of Commons. Nobody at the happiness.” Accepting the success of last session had ventured to bring it forthe Southern States as a probable con- ward. “Everybody felt as if it was a clusion of the struggle, it was idle, he domestic calamity, and spoke of it with said, “ to talk as some people do, of its bated breath." England, he said, symleading to an utter breakdown of the pathized with the American people beAmerican power.
The North would cause Slavery was at the bottom of the still retain eighteen millions of the most struggle, and had led to it. "Let the intelligent and intellectual population in Americans," he said, "settle their own the world, a territory as large as all Eu- quarrels. All we can hope is, that when rope, excluding Russia, and unlimited this terrible contest has an end, whatever political resources. They would also that end may be, the liberty, happiness possess a political Union which they and freedom of these magnificent States have not had for thirty years, and unless may not be impaired.” this war was protracted for a series of "The people of the North,” admitted years, whatever burdens it might impose, Mr. Kinglake, the eminent member of they would still continue more lightly Parliament, in a speech to his constitutaxed than any powerful nation upon ents at Bridgewater, in one of the last earth.” In conclusion, he recommended days of December, pending the Trent great caution in judging of the affairs of negotiation, “had some ground for supAmerica, and candidly pointed out the posing that the strong feeling which this causes which tended to bias the judg-country entertained on the subject of ment of his countrymen, giving in a sin- slavery might affect the course which we gle sentence the key to the prevailing :hould take when the Southern States British opinions. “There are many became separated from the North. They
MR. GLADSTONE'S ADDRESS.
seemed to think that on that ground we sands, and by hundreds of thousands, should at once have declared for them in trooped together from all parts to give order to abolish the evil which we had him a welcome as enthusiastic and as always denounced. We did nothing of obviously proceeding from the depths of the sort ; and from what has happened, the heart, as if those vast countries had I draw a lesson in support of a principle still been a portion of the dominions of I have always enforced—that in the our Queen. Let us look to the fact that policy of states, a sentiment never can they are of necessity a people subject to govern. Depend upon it that the rela- quick and violent action of opinion, and tions between various states will always, liable to great public excitement-inor almost always, be governed by their tensely agreed on the subject of the war great interests."*
in which they were engaged, until aroused Mr. Gladstone, the Chancellor of the to a high pitch of expectation by hearing Exchequer, in an address before the that one of their vessels of war had laid University of Edinburgh, of which he hold on the Commissioners of the Southwas Rector, on the 10th of January, ern States, whoin they regarded simply as 1862, reviewed the American question rebels. Let us look to the fact, that in in its relation to British opinion. Claim- the midst of that exultation, and in a ing that a general feeling of good will country where the principles of popular toward America existed in England at government and democracy are carried the outbreak of the rebellion, he assert- to extremes—that even, however, in this
, ed as a fact of which there could be no struggle of life and death, as they think doubt that when that event occurred, it to be-that even, while ebullitions were “all the thinking men in the country taking place all over the country of joy came to the conclusion, that in the war and exultation at this capture—that even which had commenced, the party which there this popular and democratic Govwas apparently the strongest, had com- ernment has, under a demand of a foreign mitted themselves to an enterprise which Power, written these words, for they are would probably prove to be completely the closing words in the dispatch of Mr. beyond their powers. We saw there a Seward, The four Commissioners will military undertaking of tremendous diffi- be cheerfully liberated.'” In conclusion, culty, and a military undertaking which, he deprecated any spirit of hostility if it was to be successful, would only be which would lead to what "though not a the preface and introduction to political civil war, would be next to a civil wardifficulties far greater than even the mili- any conflict between America and Engtary difficulties of the war itself." The land."* opinion he maintained was conscientious- The eminent political cconomist, Mr. ly formed, yet it naturally produced ir- John Stuart Mill, whose opinion we have ritability and shocked the sensibility of already cited on the elements of the the Northern States. Turning to the de- American Union,t took the first occasion
† mand for redress in the Trent affair, he upon the settlement of the right of search saw much for congratulation in the spirit question on board of the Trent, to review in which the difficulty had been adjusted. the origin, history, and some of the "Let us look,” he said, “at the bright probable consequences of the existing side of that which the Americans have rebellion. Choosing for his medium done. Let us look back to the moment of communication with the public the when the Prince of Wales appeared in pages of Fraser's Magazine, a periodthe United States of America, and when ical widely read by the most cultimen by the thousand, by tens of thou
London Times, January 13, 1862.
+ Ante vol. i. p. 13.
vated and intellectual classes, he there principle, not merely the perpetuation, presented, with his accustomed strength but the indefinite extension of Slavery. of analysis, clearness of perception, And the doctrine is loudly preached and felicity of statement, a view of the through the new Republic, that Slavery, struggle, strongly in favor of the posi- whether black or white, is a good in ittion taken by the North. Looking at self, and the proper condition of the the rise of the insurrection, he found working classes everywhere.” He then its open avowed cause in the determina- drew this withering picture of “the petion to resist the limitation of Slavery, culiar institution.” "Let me in a few in other words, resolutely to support it, words," he said, remind the reader for, in consequence of the exhausting what sort of a thing this is which the cultivation of the land, it was a well es- white oligarchy of the South have bandtablished conclusion, he maintained, that ed themselves together to propagate, if the institution were kept within its and establish if they could, universally. existing limits it would die. " Confine When it is wished to describe any porit,” said he, "to the present States and tion of the human race as in the lowest the owners of slave property will either state of debasement and under the most be speedily ruined or will have to find cruel oppression, in which it is possible means of reforming and renovating their for human beings to live, they are comagricultural system, which cannot be done pared to slaves. When words are sought without treating the slaves like human by which to stigmatize the most odious beings, nor without so large an employ- despotism, exercised in the most odious ment of skilled—that is, of free-labor, manner and all other comparisons are as will widely displace the unskilled, and found inadequate, the despots are said to so depreciate the pecuniary value of the be like slave masters or slave drivers. slave, that the immediate mitigation and What, by a rhetorical license, the worst ultimate extinction of Slavery would be oppressors of the human race, by way a nearly inevitable and probably rapid of stamping on them the most hateful consequence.” He looked upon the Re- character possible, are said to be, these publicans, therefore, with their doctrines men, in very truth, are. I do not mean of restriction, not as an ultra abolition that all of them are hateful personally, party, (who would interfere with the in- any more than all the inquisitors, or all stitution in the States,) but as essentially the buccaneers. But the position which enlisted in the destruction of a hated they occupy, and the abstract excellence evil, and, as such, worthy of respect by which they are in arms to vindicate, the lovers of human freedom in England. is that which the united voice of manBut if there were any doubt, be contin- kind habitually selects as the type of all ued, about the position of the North, hateful qualities. I will not bandy chithere could be none whatever about that canery about the more or less of stripes of the South. “ They,” said he, “make or other torments which are daily requi
“ no concealment of their principles. The site to keep the machine in working ormoment a President was elected of whom der, nor discuss whether the Legrees it was inferred from his opinions, not that or the St. Clairs are more numerous he would take any measures against Slav- among the slave owners of the Southern ery where it exists, but that he would States. The broad facts of the case sufoppose its establishment where it exists fice. One fact is enough. There are, heaven not—that moment they broke loose from knows, vicious and tyrannical instituwhat was, at least, a very solemn con- tions in ample abundance on the earth. tract, and formed themselves into a Con- But this institution is the ouly one of federation, professing as its fundamental | them all which requires, to keep it JOHN STUART MILL'S DEFENCE OF AMERICA.
going, that human beings should be treated those who did attempt so to apply burned alive. The calm and dispassion- them ?" In this easy and masterly way ate Mr. Olmsted affirms that there has the acute dialectician turned the tables not been a single year, for many years upon the accusers of the United States, past, in which this horror is not known of the high tory party, who thus saw to have been perpetrated in some part themselves repudiating the wisdom of or other of the South. And not upon their ancestors by which they were acnegroes only; the Edinburgh Review, customed to swear, and contradicting the in a recent number, gave the hideous genius of their order by advocating the details of the burning alive of an unfor- lowest pretences of revolutionary license. tunate Northern huckster by lynch law, It was this that made America so impaon the mere suspicion of having aided in tient of the criticism of England, and the escape of a slave. What must Ameri-judge it to be hypocritical, prejudiced can Slavery be, if deeds like these are ne- and unfriendly. Looking to Great Britcessary under it ? and if they are not ne- ain as the land of all others where the cessary and are yet done, is not the evi- principles of law and order were underdence against Slavery still more damn- stood and respected, she had reason to ing? The South are in rebellion not for expect that the first grand vindication of simple slavery ; they are in rebellion for her violated Constitution, which had been
; the right of burning human beings alive." forced upon her, would receive, if not
Mr. Mill turned next to a common de admiration, at least sympathy and refence of the Rebellion on the lips of spect. When, on the contrary, the costly many Englishmen, that the South, hav- effort was received with reproach and ing a right to separate, the disunion pretended contempt, there was little should have been consented to at the wonder that the nation felt aggrieved. first demand by the North, who in re- The perplexities and contradictions of sisting it had committed a similar wrong the English mind over this very simple with the England of George III. in the affair, in which there should have been contest with the American colonies. The in their own avowed rules of judgment answer to this was given with a touch room for not a moment's hesitation, preof irony. “This,” said he, “is carry- sent one of not the least noticeable pheing the doctrine of the sacred right of nomena of this extraordinary period. insurrection rather far. It is wonderful We need not here present Mr. Mill's low easy and liberal and complying speculations farther. They will be repeople can be in other people's concerns. membered and sought for with the ablest Because they are willing to surrender documents of the time, and read not their own pact, and have no objection only for their acuteness at a time when to join in reprobation of their great the judgments of very many intelligent grandfathers, they never put themselves Englishinen were very much astray, but the question what they themselves would as an historical memorial of the perdo in circumstances far less trying, under verted reason of the hour which they far less pressure of real national calam- combated. As an aid to the formation ity. Would those who profess these of a sound public opinion in Great Briardent revolutionary principles consent tain respecting the national cause in to this being applied to Ireland, or India, America, the essay was of the highest or the Ionian Islands? How have they importance.
GENERAL HALLECK'S DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURI, NOVEMBER-DECEMBER, 1861.
On the removal of General Fremont his department of New Mexico required we have seen General Hunter placed in the utmost circumspection and vigilance. command of the army in Missouri. The The line of the Rio Grande on which arrangement was a temporary one pend-above and below the important position ing the reorganization of the Department of Santa Fe the Government posts were meditated at Washington. By a General located, as a protection of the country Order from the War Office, dated the against Indian ravages, was beset by 9th of November, a week after Fremont's armed bands of insurgents from Texas, dismissal General Halleck was appointed where by treason and violence, as we to the command of the new Department have seen, the enemy had early gained of the Missouri, including the States of possession of the southerly chain of forts Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, or military stations. Lieutenant-Colonel Illinois, Arkansas, and that portion of Baylor, a rebel officer, in August, claimed Kentucky west of the Cumberland river; possession of Arizona, issuing a Proclathe remainder of the last mentioned mation declaring the country under miliState being included in the new Depart- tary government as a part of the Confedment of the Ohio, assigned to General erate States. By the surrender of Fort Buel. To General Hunter was given the Fillmore and the other stations below, Department of Kansas, embracing the the National defence became limited to State of Kansas, the Indian Territory the Forts more immediately around Santa West of Arkansas, and the Territories Fe, of which Fort Craig on the southof Nebraska, Colorado, and Dakota. west, and Fort Union nearer at hand on The Department of Mexico, consisting the north-east, were the most important. of the Territory of New Mexico, was Henry Wager Halleck, the new Comassigned to Colonel E. R. S. Canby. The mander of the Department including last mentioned officer, on whose patriot- Missouri, like his distinguished associate, ism and energy the Government relied General McClellan, was one of the offinot in vain for the preservation, under cers of the regular army, whose educamany difficulties of this imperilled region tion and experience led the country to was a native of Kentucky, a graduate anticipate the greatest benefits from their of West Point of 1839, in the same class services at the present time. Both highly with General Halleck. Entering the 20 accomplished, distinguished for the soInfantry, he was in 1846 promoted to a lidity of their attainments in the profes1st Lieutenancy. He served with dis- sion to which they had been brought up, tinction in the war with Mexico, being they had enjoyed in a remarkable degree brevetted Major, and subsequently Lieu- the confidence and favor of the head of tenant-Colonel, for his gallantry in the the army, General Scott, at whose rebattles before and at the capture of the commendation they were at once raised capitol. In May, 1861, on the increase to their eminent positions. It happened of the regular army, he was promoted also, that each had left the army for the to the Colonelcy of the new 19th regi- pursuits of civil life. Neither, however, ment of Infantry. The management of bad lost sight of his military calling, and