to the peculiarity of the attendant circumstances, or the illtimed application. Let us not force our tenets upon foreignFor if we subject opinion to coercion, who shall be our inquisitors?

ers.

No; let us do as we have done, as we are now doing, and then call upon the nations to examine, to scrutinize, and to condemn! No! they cannot look upon America to-day, and pity for the gladdened heart disclaims all woe. They

cannot look upon her and deride, for genius, and literature, and science are soaring above the high places of birth and pageantry. They cannot look upon us and defy, for the hearts of thirteen millions are warm in virtuous emulation; their arms steeled in the cause of their country. Her productions are wafted to every shore; her flag is seen waving in every sea. She has wrested the glorious motto from the once queen of the seas, and high on our banner, by the stars and stripes, is seen:

"Columbia needs no bulwark,

No towers along the steep,

Her march is o'er the mountain wave,

Her home is on the deep."

But on this day of freemen's rejoicings, and all this mutual congratulation, "this feast of the soul, this pure banquet of the heart," does no painful reflection rush across the unquiet conscience? no blush of insincerity suffuse the countenance, where joy and gratitude should hold undivided sway? When we come this day, as one great family, to lay our poor offering on the altar, to that God who holds the destinies of nations in his hand, are there none afar off, cast down and sorrowful, who dare not approach the common altar; who cannot put their hands to their hearts, and say: "Oh, Washington, what art thou to us? Are we not also freemen ? ”

Then what a mockery is here! Foolish man, lay down thy offering, go thy way, become reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer thy offering.

In the language of Thomas Jefferson:

"Can the liberties of a nation be sure when we remove their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people, that these liberties are the gift of God? that they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed, I tremble for my country, when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever; that a revolution of the wheel of fortune, a change of situation, is among possible events; that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in that event."

And shall these things be? 'Tis fit that he should chide who bears the shame! How long, my own, my native land, shall thy exiled sons dare to raise their voice only in a land of strangers, in behalf of thy best interests -- the cause of reason, religion, and humanity?

But ye philanthropists, if so ye term yourselves whether real or feigned, I care not leave us to ourselves. Give opinion full scope; examine, scrutinize, condemn, but let us alone. Know ye not yet the human heart? It has its affections, but it has its jealousies and its revenge, too! But, if you attempt to snatch justice from our arms our destined bride, lovely maid of every perfection - we will plunge the assassin's dagger to her heart to be mourned by her followers as well as by her destroyers!

"Leave us to ourselves," should be the motto of our repub. lic, the first principle of national legislation. Not license to lawlessness and crime; not that liberty which is so often shouted forth without meaning - defiance of wholesome laws and their severe and rigid execution. But let us alone

let us exercise reason and public opinion as regards our temporal interests as well as our immortal welfare.

If we come to honor Washington to-day, to sanction his principles, which have been approved in times past, I cannot forbear pressing upon the minds of my audience, from various parts of the Union, the necessity to concede something to public opinion in the construction of our federal league; to be indulgent to one another. If you do not, my countrymen, I very much fear that this, the first centennial celebration of the birth of Washington, will be the last on which a mighty nation will have met.

It is a principle generally admitted among politicians that the most despotic government in peace is the most efficient in war, and the reverse. This principle applied to us admits of much limitation. If we war with foreigners, and all united, I venture to say we are the most powerful nation on earth, comparing our physical resources; for we war not for a change of masters, but for ourselves for freedom. But, if we war with each other, which God forbid, we are the weakest nation in existence; because we are the farthest removed from executive influence; more subject to individual will.

Our strength is in public opinion, in unanimity. We revolt on the most favorable circumstances. No ignominious death of traitors awaits us; defeat, at worst, is but an unwilling marriage with a haughty, but yet loving lord. States come to the contest, armed, provided, unanimous; fighting ostensibly under the banner of the constitution, if not in supposable cases, in the real spirit of our federal league.

I would not speak lightly of the constitution of America; long may it exist to the honor of its framers, and the greater glory of those who support it well; but I should not deem it

safe to appeal to the letter of any copy, in defiance of the great original, written in the breast of every American.

It needs not the eye of divination to see that differences of interest will naturally arise in this vast extent of territory. Washington saw it; we see it. Let us not flatter ourselves that these differences will be merged by the revolution of time, or the increase of space. While I now speak, a voice is heard imploring concession, founded upon claims, warmly and conscientiously supported no matter whether they be real or imaginary.

In the political arena the glove is already thrown down; the great Northern and Southern champions stand in sullen defiance; bristling crests are seen extending to the extreme verge of the lists; the mystery of intense feeling pervades the hosts; non tumultus, non quies: quale magni metus, et magnæ iræ silentium est."

66

My countrymen, this must not be; to depend upon the fall of one man.

the issues are too great 'Tis yours people of the United States - to look well to it!

-

you, the

The warning voice of Cassandra is abroad! May not a blinded people rest secure in disbelief and derision, till the birthright left us by our Washington is lost! till we shall be aroused by the rushing ruins of a once "glorious union!"

TOOMBS

ROBERT TOOMBS was born in Wilkes County, Georgia, in 1810.

He

entered the Federal House of Representatives as a Whig in 1845, and retained a seat therein until 1853, when he became a United States Senator from Georgia. He resigned his seat in the Senate in January, 1861, after delivering the speech here reproduced against the Crittenden Compromise. He was for a time a member of the Confederate Congress, and subsequently the Confederate Secretary of State, but he resigned the latter office to accept a commission as Brigadier-General in the Confederate army. He took part in the battle at Antietam, in 1862, and commanded the Georgia militia in 1864. On the downfall of the Confederacy he went to Europe, but returned in 1867, and died at Washington, Georgia, in 1885. He never took the oath of allegiance to the United States.

ON SECESSION; SECESSIONIST OPINION

UNITED STATES SENATE, JANUARY 7, 1861

Mr. President and Senators:

HE success of the Abolitionists and their allies, under

TH

the name of the Republican party, has produced its logical results already. They have for long years been sowing dragons' teeth and have finally got a crop of armed men. The Union, sir, is dissolved. That is an accomplished fact in the path of this discussion that men may as well heed. One of your confederates has already, wisely, bravely, boldly confronted public danger, and she is only ahead of many of her sisters because of her greater facility for speedy action. The greater majority of those sister States, under like circumstances, consider her cause as their