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and always, in mutual regard, conciliation, and affection!

Go on, hand in hand, O States, never to be disunited! Be the praise and the heroic song of all posterity! Join your invincible might to do worthy and godlike deeds! And then -But I will not add, as John Milton added, in closing his inimitable appeal on Reformation in England, two centuries and a half ago-" A cleaving curse be his inheritance to all generations who seek to break your Union!" No imprecations or anathemas shall escape my lips on this auspicious day. Let me rather invoke, as I devoutly and fervently do, the choicest and richest blessings of heaven on those who shall do most in all time to come to preserve our beloved country in unity, peace, and concord!

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HAMLIN

H

ANNIBAL HAMLIN, an American statesman, was

born in Paris, Maine, August 27, 1809. He learned the printer's trade in early youth, then studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1833. He practised his profession in Hampden, Penobscot, Maine, until 1848, but he had meanwhile served in the State legislature, 1836-40, and been Democratic representative in Congress, 1842-46. From 1848-57 ae sat in the United States Senate, but resigned in the latter year to be inaugurated governor of Maine, to which office he had been elected as a Republican. A month later, having been chosen senator for a full term, he resigned the governorship and returned to the Senate. In 1861 he became vice-president of the United States, having been elected on the Republican ticket with Abraham Lincoln the previous autumn, and he presided over the Senate during his entire term as vice-president. He was collector of the port of Boston, 1865-66, and minister to Spain, 1881-83. He died at Bangor, Maine, July 4, 1891. Hamlin was originally a Democrat, but being a strong anti-slavery man he separated from his party and in a speech in the Senate, June 12, 1856, detailed his reasons for his change of party. During his term of office as vice-president the most cordial relations existed between him and President Lincoln,

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SPEECH ON THE COMPROMISE BILL

DELIVERED IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, JULY 22, 1848

AM admonished, Mr. President, by the whisperings within these walls that we are to be pressed to a decision of this great question at the present sitting. If therefore I would offer any suggestions which will control my vote and command my action, I must embrace the present as the only opportunity.

The question which we are now called upon to decide is of momentous importance. Yet from its decision I have no disposition to shrink. It is indeed startling that in the middle of the nineteenth century-in this model republic, with the sun of liberty shining upon us, and while the governments

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of Europe are tottering to their base from the lights reflected from our own, and while they are striking down the shackles of tyranny over the minds of men-we have been gravely discussing the proposition whether we will not create by law the institution of human slavery in Territories now free.

Such in direct terms has been the question which we have had before us; such is the issue in fact now. Sophistry cannot evade it-metaphysics cannot escape it. If there have been those who have heretofore believed a discussion of this matter premature, all, or nearly all, have declared a willingness to meet the issue when it should be practically presented.

That crisis is now upon us, and as men faithfully representing the constituencies who have sent us here, we must meet it. I had hoped-nay, I had believed that there were those common grounds of concession, union, and harmony, dictated by a lofty patriotism, upon which all would meet and by which we would settle this vexed question. Of all things, I have been desirous that we might be able to arrive at such a decision of this matter as would quiet the public mind and be just to all the people of all the States.

The character of the debate connected directly with this subject within the last few weeks must necessarily associate itself with the question immediately before us for our decision. This bill sprang from that discussion. They are one and the same. That was a bill for the establishment of a government for the Territory of Oregon. This includes also the Territories of California and New Mexico. As there is no connection in these matters I had hoped to have seen each bill presented by itself—to stand upon its own merits, or fall upon its demerits. The Senate has decided that they shall not be separated and we must meet it as it is presented.

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