point of the old saying that "a stitch in time saves nine," and, conversely, that if stitches are not taken in time, there may be rents and exposures which newly aroused industry cannot repair in time to prevent disgrace and loss. The ideal citizen always "wants to know why." His conscience may be better than his education, but he loses no opportunity to discover what has been the stumbling-block of other communities and nations, and if he does not find this task easy, he perseveres, knowing that when one is in a fight, it is better to be beaten than to dodge responsibility by running away.

In politics the ideal citizen takes sides with a party, but makes his partisan affiliations through principle, instead of prejudice or the partiality that comes through personal acquaintance. He finds this hard work at times, but, somehow, everything worth doing or having, requires a great deal of personal effort, and not a little self-sacrifice; yet he realizes that to be led by the nose is unmanly, even if the leader be a wiser man, and a personal friend besides. He may respect men who differ in opinion, but it is not necessary on that account that he should respect their erroneous ideas. He is not to be held to account for others' opinions, but simply for his own.

Sometimes the ideal citizen finds himself obliged to vote with a party which he previously has opposed, and in which his associates are his old political enemies. In such cases his position is painful; for, as a rule, the more thoughtful and earnest the man, the dearer to him are the old ties of sympathy and association. It needs bravery to make an ideal citizen. He knows that local necessities have no possible connection with national issues, and acts accordingly. Like Washington, he votes for measures, not men. He has seen great abuses develop from small neglects; so, instead of concentrating his attention and spending his money, once in four years, to

elect the Presidential candidate of his party, he attends all the primary meetings, and never fails to vote at an election simply because the offices seem of small importance.

The ideal citizen is always a disturbing factor in his own political field. He is in the position of the missionary to a congregation of Southern negroes, who persisted in preaching against theft and other violations of the ten commandments, while his hearers were longing only to hear of the wonders described in the Book of Revelation, and to exult in anticipation of rambling through the golden streets and stately mansions of the great hereafter. It is much the same way in politics. The man who in time of peace prepares for war, and tries to urge his party associates to forego selfish desires, and incite all to a more earnest effort for the public good, is always sure to be regarded as a nuisance. Consequently, the ideal citizen must be prepared to become a martyr.

The greatest men are seldom those who receive the greatest formal recognition. Neither Webster, Clay, nor Calhoun became President, and Moses was driven out of Egypt for avenging the wrongs of one of his race. The ancient Greeks banished all their wise men; and as for Jesus, He was crucified instead of crowned.

Finally, the ideal citizen looks out not for himself alone, but regards himself as but part of the community in which he lives. To make money out of politics seems as bad to him as living on the earnings of his parents and children; for he knows that the community or nation has no money of its own, but only what it extracts from the pockets of the people, the poorest as well as the richest. His compensation consists in the sense of duty well done; and the more he does, the less the reward he thinks himself entitled to.

JOHN HABBERTON,

11. LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.

THE liberty of the press is the highest safeguard of all free government. Ours could not exist without it. It is like a great exulting and abounding river. It is fed by the dews of heaven, which distil their sweetest drops to form it. It gushes from the rill, as it breaks from the deep caverns of the earth. It is augmented by a thousand affluents, that dash from the mountain-top, to separate again into a thousand bounteous and irrigating streams around. On its broad bosom it bears a thousand barks. There genius spreads its purpling sail. There poetry dips its silver oar. There art, invention, discovery, science, morality, religion, may safely and securely float. It wanders through every land. It has a genial, cordial source of thought and inspiration, wherever it touches, whatever it surrounds. Upon its borders there grows every flower of grace and every fruit of truth. Sometimes that river oversteps its bounds. Sometimes that stream becomes a dangerous torrent, and destroys towns and cities upon its bank. But, without it, civilization, humanity, government, all that makes society itself, - would disappear, and the world would return to its ancient barbarism.

EDWARD D. BAKER.

12. IDLENESS A CRIME.

EXTRACT from "Civics."

A FALLACY lies at the root of the labor question; that is, the illogical admission that a man has a right to be idle, if he so prefer. The choice of employment and the right to demand a just wage for work done, does not rest

upon a dogma so pernicious. The law of labor is an inherent obligation as well as a necessity. Personal selfsupport, to the extent of personal ability, is a duty. Individual support at the expense of others violates the principle that aggregated labor is essential to the public good. The aggregate of protection which society insures, is the measure of the obligation which exacts willing industry, and makes voluntary idleness a crime. This is not a question of morals or ethics, but every just code of laws demands that every man should share in the protection of all, and in the protection of the rights of all, as well as his own. No citizen is exempt from a summons to the national defence. He is equally required to contribute to the common good, through the equally important ordinary relations with which every-day labor is allied.

Obedience to law is a paramount obligation, or anarchy ensues; and anarchy is simple madness. Optional obedience to law is a senseless paradox. There is no right of choice here. At the instant a man says, "I will be idle, and take the consequences," he becomes dependent upon others, and forces them to do for him that which he is bound to do for himself. Even the readiness of the subject of law to bear the penalty of its infraction, does not convert the wrong to right.

This position must not be misunderstood. Delay to work, pending terms and conditions, is a matter of judgment or contract, incident to the changing relations of labor and product; but it may be protracted until it becomes suicidal and ruinous. A margin must be conceded to reasonable competition, and the desire of all men to get the best out of the same relative labor; but a failure to reach the full measure of satisfaction desired, must not efface the purpose to realize the best attainable results.

Innocent idleness is a practicable impossibility. To see a man drown, and decline to rescue, is, substantially, to drown him. Cessation of labor, for rest, or change of terms or conditions, is rational and honorable. In any other sense, idleness involves a condition of actual violence to all faithful workers. Mental faculties and physical forces will not lie dormant. Remove the incentives to labor for justly attainable ends, and at once all animal elements which have been softened and subjected through legitimate exercise will assert their presence, and their power to harm. The idle element will tear down, but never re-build! Even if the popular fallacy that a man may work or not, at his pleasure, had a technical basis of merit, it loses all proper recognition when it asserts a claim to suspend other labor than his own. No despotism on earth is so destructive as the sway of a multitude which asserts its voice, and demands recognition without the sanction of law. And this is equally true in all social grades. The idleness of those without means, is matched by the profligacy of such as have abundant means, but live only for self and passion. Neither can excuse the mischief done, and neither can impart substantial good to individual or society.

The spirit of sound law is equally repressive of violent invasion of the rights of honest acquisition. The industrious will always save! The improvident will always waste! The motive to industry must be acquisition, for future use, or human life would be more abject than that of animal instinct. Accumulated resources are only to be valued for their uses, and enforced inactivity of those resources cripples many who live upon their distributions to society. It is not to be unnoticed that hoarded acquisitions rapidly segregate themselves in this country, so that the names once associated with large acquisitions are soon found at the beginning-point again. This harmo