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6.

THE PRINCIPLES OF THE REVO

LUTION.

WHEN we speak of the glory of our fathers, we mean not that vulgar renown to be attained by physical strength; nor yet that higher fame, to be acquired by intellectual power. Both often exist without lofty thought, pure intent, or generous purpose. The glory which we celebrate was strictly of a moral and religious character: righteous as to its ends; just as to its means.

The American Revolution had its origin neither in ambition, nor avarice, nor envy, nor in any gross passion; but in the nature and relation of things, and in the thenceresulting necessity of separation from the parent State. Its progress was limited by that necessity. Our fathers displayed great strength and great moderation of purpose. In difficult times they conducted with wisdom; in doubtful times, with firmness; in perilous times, with courage; under oppressive trials, erect; amidst temptations, unseduced; in the dark hour of danger, fearless; in the bright hour of prosperity, faithful.

It was not the instant feeling and pressure of despotism that roused them to resist, but the principle on which that arm was extended. They could have paid the impositions of the British government, had they been increased a thousand-fold; but payment acknowledged right, and they spurned the consequences of that acknowledgment. But, above all, they realized that those burdens, though light in themselves, would, to coming ages, — to us, their posterity, be heavy, and probably insupportable. They preferred to meet the trial in their own times, and to make the sacrifices in their own persons, that we and our descendants, their posterity, might reap the harvest and enjoy the increase.

Generous men, exalted patriots, immortal statesmen ! For this deep moral and social affection, for this elevated self-devotion, this bold daring, the multiplying millions of your posterity, as they spread backward to the lakes, and from the lakes to the mountains, and from the mountains to the western waters, shall annually, in all future time, come up to the temple of the Most High, with song and anthem, and thanksgiving, with cheerful symphonies and hallelujahs, to repeat your names; to look steadfastly on the brightness of your glory; to trace its spreading rays to the points from which they emanate; and to seek in your character and conduct a practical illustration of public duty in every occurring social exigency.

JOSIAH QUINCY.

7. THE LESSON OF THE REVOLUTION.

HAPPY was it for America, happy for the world, that a great name, a guardian genius, presided over her destinies in war, combining more than the virtues of the Roman Fabius and the Theban Epaminondas, and compared with whom the conquerors of the world, the Alexanders and the Cæsars, are but pageants, crimsoned with blood and decked with the trophies of slaughter, objects equally of the wonder and the execration of mankind. The hero of America was the conqueror only of his country's foes and the hearts of his countrymen. To the one he was a terror; and in the other he gained an ascendancy, supreme, unrivalled, the tribute of admiring gratitude, the reward of a nation's love.

The American armies, compared with the embattled legions of the old world, were small in numbers; but the soul of a whole people centred in the bosom of

those more than Spartan bands, and vibrated quickly and keenly with every incident that befell them, whether in their feats of valor, or the acuteness of their sufferings. The country itself was one wide battle-field, in which not merely the life-blood, but the dearest interests, the sustaining hopes of every individual, were at stake. It was not a war of pride and ambition between monarchs, in which an island or a province might be the reward of success. It was a contest for personal liberty and civil rights, coming down, in its principles, to the very sanctuary of home and the fireside, and determining for every man the measure of responsibility he should hold over his own condition, possessions, and happiness. The spectacle was grand and new, and may well be cited as the most glowing page in the annals of progressive man.

JARED SPARKS.

8. THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION.

AFTER all our doubts, our suspicions and speculations on the subject of government, we must at last return to this important truth, that when we have formed a constitution on free principles, we may, with safety, furnish it with all the powers necessary to answer, in the most ample manner, the purposes of government.

The great objects desired are a free representation and mutual checks. When these can be obtained, all the apprehensions as to the extent of powers are unjust and imaginary. What, then, is the structure of this American Constitution? One branch of the Legislature is to be elected by the people, by the same people who choose your State Representatives. Its members are to hold office for two years, and then return to their con

stituents. Here the people govern. Here they act by their immediate representatives. You also have a Senate, constituted by your State Legislatures, by men in whom you place the highest confidence, and forming another representative branch. Then, again, you have an Executive Magistrate, created by a form of election which merits universal admiration. You find all the checks which the greatest politicians and the best writers have ever conceived. What more can reasonable man desire? The Legislative authority is lodged in three distinct branches, and the Judicial is still reserved as an independent body who hold their offices during good behavior. This organization is all so skilfully contrived that it is next to impossible that an impolitic or wicked measure should pass its scrutiny with success.

What do gentlemen mean by coming forward and declaiming against this government? Why do they say that we ought to limit its powers and destroy its capacity for blessing the people? Has philosophy suggested, has experience taught, that such a government ought not to be intrusted with everything necessary for the good of society? When you have divided and balanced the departments of government; when you have strongly connected the virtue of your rulers with their interests; when, in short, you have rendered your system as perfect as human forms can be, you must place confidence; and you must give power.

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ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

IF I have a wish dearer to my soul than that my ashes may be mingled with those of a Warren and a Montgomery, it is, that these American States will never cease to be free and independent.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

9. THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION

TESTED.

(FROM Inaugural Address of President John Adams, 1797.) EMPLOYED in the service of my country abroad, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads, prompted by good hearts. I saw in it an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any other that had been suggested. In its general principles and outline it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and my own State in particular had contributed to establish.

Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution.

The operation of it has equalled the most sanguine expectations of its friends; and from a habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation, I have acquired an habitual attachment to it, and veneration for it. What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?

To a benevolent mind, there can be no spectacle more pleasing, more noble, majestic, and august, than an Assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber in Congress,-of a government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens

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