the highest pitch of feeling. Mr. Garrison quoted, as the Lib. 34:94. most effective reply possible to Mr. Phillips's present attacks on the President, from speeches which his colaborer had made in 1861 and 1862, before either proclamation of emancipation had been issued, and in which he had repeatedly praised Lincoln as in advance of public sentiment, and declared himself satisfied with the rapid progress of events. Passing from these, he replied specifically to Phillips's current criticisms and complaints, expressing his conviction that the people could not do better, politically speaking, than to reëlect Lincoln, and that they ought, as a matter of justice and to vindicate the democratic principle, to keep him in office until he should be the acknowledged President of the whole United States. He also animadverted upon the Convention which was to meet in Cleveland the following week, to nominate Frémont for the Presidency:

May 31, 1864.

S. S. Foster,

Karl Hein

zen.

"Gen. Frémont, as yet, has not shown a single State, a single Lib. 34:94. county, a single town or hamlet in his support. Who represents him from Massachusetts, on the call for the Cleveland Convention? Two men, both non-voters, I believe, and neither of them has a particle of political influence. Now I call that the step from the sublime to the ridiculous. Is that the best Massachusetts can do for Frémont? For, remember, I am speaking now of the 'coming man' in the next election, who is to run Abraham Lincoln off the track. If I were speaking on a moral issue, I should speak in a very different manner of those whose names appear on that call; for the man who stands alone in a moral cause, though all the world be against him, if God be for him, stands in a majority, and is conqueror. But when you come to politics, that is another sphere. Then you must have men and money; then you must have votes; then you must have something of political influence and respectability. But, with one exception, the signers to the call for the Cleveland Convention have not one ounce of political weight in this country.

Mr. President, we are getting on well. We are to have all our friends contend for, in the end. There is no difference among us in this respect. We all go for equal rights, without regard to race or color. We have not relaxed our vigilance or

Cf. ante,

2:436.

B. Gratz

Brown.

CHAP. IV.

1864.

our testimony; and I am sorry to hear any intimation thrown out that we do not call for the amplest justice."

Mr. Phillips was dissatisfied because the National A. S. Standard would not commend the Cleveland movement and oppose Lincoln, but the course of the paper was sustained by the Executive Committee. "If I am required either to set the Standard in opposition to Lincoln's reMS. June election," wrote Oliver Johnson to Mr. Garrison, "or to suppress my honest convictions in regard to the Frémont movement, its candidates and platform, I shall resign the editorial chair."

20, 1864.

Lib. 34: 102.

The Republican National Convention met in Baltimore on the 7th of June, and unanimously nominated Mr. Lincoln for a second term. Among those who witnessed its proceedings, from the gallery, was Mr. Garrison. He was revisiting Baltimore for the first time since 1830, having just come from the Progressive Friends' Meeting at Longwood, with Theodore Tilton, editor of the New York Independent. Of the Convention Mr. Garrison wrote, on his return:

"It was well worth going from one end of the country to the other to witness its proceedings; yet it came in my way incidentally, and I was glad to have the opportunity to be 'a looker-on in Venice.' As a delegated body representing all the loyal States and Territories in the Union, it presented an imposing appearance, and indicated, both in the choice of its candidates and platform it adopted, the overwhelming sentiment of THE PEOPLE. Prior to its coming together, all the loyal States had, with a unanimity unexampled since the days of George Washington, officially declared in favor of the reëlection of ABRAHAM LINCOLN ; So that its duty was simply to record its votes for the man thus unmistakably designated. From Maine to Oregon, the response was the same, with the single exception of the Radical delegates from Missouri, who, on the first ballot, voted for General Grant, in accordance with their instructions; and then transferred their votes to Abraham Lincoln, making the grand total of 519 for his reëlection. Though this unanimity was strongly to be desired for the weightiest considerations, it was hardly to be expected; for what had the enemies of the Administration left undone to create division in the ranks?

When the result was announced, the enthusiasm was indescribable; and yet it was not comparable to the electric outbreak which followed the adoption of the following resolution:

"3. Resolved, That as slavery was the cause and now constitutes the strength of this rebellion, and as it must be always and everywhere hostile to the principles of republican government, justice and the national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the soil of the republic; and that we uphold and maintain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its own defence, has aimed a death-blow at this gigantic evil. We are in favor, furthermore, of such an amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the United States.'

"The whole body of delegates sprang to their feet as by one impulse, giving vent to their feelings in prolonged cheering and warm congratulations,— again and again renewing their joyful demonstrations in the most enthusiastic manner. Was not a spectacle like that rich compensation for more than thirty years of universal personal opprobrium, bitter persecution, and murderous outlawry? It is impossible for me to describe my emotions on that occasion-for what had God wrought! It was the first NATIONAL VERDICT ever recorded, in form and fact, in letter and spirit, against slavery, as a system incompatible with the principles of republican government,' and therefore no longer to be tolerated in the land. It was the sublime decree - Let the covenant with death be annulled, and the agreement with hell no longer stand!' It was a full endorsement of all the abolition fanaticism' and 'incendiarism' with which I had stood branded for so many years. The time for my complete vindication had come, from the Atlantic to the Pacific- the vindication of all who had labored for the extinction of 'the sum of all villanies,' whether through evil report or good report - yea, the vindication of Eternal Truth and Justice!"

W. L. Garrison to his Wife.

BALTIMORE, June 8, 1864.

I arrived here in the evening train on Monday, and met with a very kind welcome from the Needleses, who were expecting my coming, with George Thompson as my companion. Since then, I have been constantly occupied in seeing the city, which VOL. IV.-8

CHAP. IV.

1864.

MS.

June 6.