and has served as one of the chief arguments portional decline of wages. against the continuance of the present order. James Mill, McCulloch, Senior, and John Stuart Mill, the followers of Ricardo and Malthus, developed a theory of wages which is known as the wages fund theory. It emphasizes the dependence of labor upon capital. Assuming that present wages are paid out of past accumulations, these writers argued that total wages must be limited by capital, or (in the completed theory) by that part of capital which is devoted to the subsistence of labor. Given the magnitude of the wages fund, the average rate of wages may be found by an arithmetical division, the number of laborers being the divisor. In order to increase wages, it was held to be necessary either to increase the wages fund or to decrease the number of laborers. According to this theory, attempts of the laborers to raise wages through combination would necessarily be unavailing, since such combination could affect neither dividend nor divisor. If some laborers succeeded in raising their wages, it would necessarily be at the expense of other laborers. From about 1820 to 1870 the wages fund theory was generally accepted by English economists. In 1869 the theory was abandoned by John Stuart Mill as a result of Thornton's attacks upon it. The idea that a definite portion of capital is set apart for the support of labor was seen to be fallacious. To a considerable extent modern economists have adopted the so-called productivity theory, the ablest of the earlier exponents of which was Francis A. Walker. Wages are not paid out of capital at all; the product of labor is the natural reward of labor, and the money wage represents not an advance, but a price paid for a product already created. The same idea was ably defended by Henry George. Recent discussions of the wages question have largely turned upon the significance of the term 'productivity of labor.' Von Thünen demonstrated that it is the product of the laborer who is in the least advantageous situation that really determines wages. This theory has been still further developed by Professor J. B. Clark, whose work makes it clear that under free competition it is possible to discover units of labor which are virtually unaided by capital or land, and that the pure product of such units sets the standard for all units of labor. Adherents of the productivity theory are under no necessity of believing that the wages of labor are incapable of substantial and indefinite rise. An increase in wages naturally increases the efficiency of labor, and hence its natural reward. High wages may thus be more economical from every point of view than low. A revival of the old idea that wages depend on the cost of subsistence of the laborer appears in the modern theory of the dependence of wages upon the standard of living. As expounded by Gunton, this theory teaches that wages tend toward a standard which just covers the needs of labor; to raise wages, it is essential that needs should be increased. Labor of women and children is regarded as having a depressing influence on the wages of men, since the needs of the husband and father are reduced through the possibility of an income earned by other members of the family. Savings of laborers. resulting in an income through interest, result in a pro If laborers eschew comforts and luxuries, with the hope of having a surplus of income above needs, the only result in the long run will be a fall in wages until they cover necessaries only. Critics of this theory point out that it would be true only if the Malthusian doctrine that population tends to outrun subsistence were correct; and at present no one would hold to that doctrine in its unqualified form. Employment of women and children may, indeed, depress wages of men, but that fact is due partly to the decline in efficiency of the population, and partly to the fact that an increase in labor supply renders necessary the resort to poorer opportunities of employment, and a consequent lowered standard of wages. CAUSES DETERMINING THE RATE OF WAGES. If the standard of wages is set by the productivity of the laborer whose position is least satisfactory (as appears to be approximately true), the causes determining the productivity of labor must determine the rate of wages. An increase in the quantity of land available for cultivation through improvements in transportation will make it possible for labor to abandon employments which produce little, and devote itself to the cultivation of new lands of unimpaired fertility. The product of the laborer in the least advantageous position rises, and with it wages. On the other hand, an increase in population, attended by no other change must force labor to poorer and poorer positions, with a universal lowering of wages. An increase in capital, again, will give each laborer a more complete outfit of tools, etc., and thus increase his productivity, raising wages. Labor-saving inventions, it is generally believed, while they lower wages of certain classes of labor, increase in the long run the productivity of labor. But while productivity determines what the laborer will, in the long rum, secure, it is not always the case that a laborer is able to secure his whole product. The laborer may be able to sell his labor to only one employer, who thereby is enabled to fix his own price. It is only when competition is active, or when labor and capital meet on equal terms, that the laborer is sure of getting exactly what he produces. TRADE UNIONS AND WAGES. A trade union, by preventing an employer from taking advantage of the weakness in bargaining of the individual workman, may raise the rate of wages to the level of productivity. By excluding labor from a certain occupation it may artifically raise productivity within that occupation, and so increase wages for its own members. The excluded labor, of course, is compelled to accept employ. ment less remunerative than that of other labor, and so lowers the standard of wages for all outside of the union. For a general discussion of the effect of trade unions upon wages, see TRADE UNIONS. THE TARIFF AND WAGES. It has long been a disputed point whether a protective tariff (see PROTECTION) raises wages in the nation as a whole. If the tariff withdraws labor from a highly productive industry and places it in a less productive one, it appears to be clear that the standard of wages is lowered. If, on the other hand, the protected industry, when once established, will be more productive than the average of other industries, the ultimate result of the policy of protection will naturally be to raise wages. RESTRICTION OF OUTPUT AND WAGES. Many laborers believe that wages would be increased if the hours of labor could be reduced in number, or if laborers would systematically endeavor to produce as little as possible. Prices, they believe, would rise, and with them wages. The view is fallacious, since it fails to take into account the fact that rise in prices would force the laborer to pay more for everything which he buys, so that the apparent rise in wages would represent no net gain. Restriction of output in some one industry, however, may raise wages there, if other labor can be excluded from the industry. Such a raising of wages is largely at the expense of the excluded labor, the disadvantage to laborers as a class exceeding the advantages to special groups. the nature of the case, these wages refer chiefly to the Eastern and Middle States. Wages rose rapidly after 1790 with the advent of the factory system. Thus carpenters were paid less than sixty cents a day in 1790, over seventy cents in 1800, one dollar and nine cents in 1810, one dollar and thirteen cents in 1820, and about one dollar and thirteen cents in 1830, reaching a maximum of one dollar and forty cents, however, in the northern parts of the country for the period from 1830 to 1840. From 1840 to 1860 there was little change in the wages of carpenters. The wages of laborers also rose from about forty-three cents a day in 1790 to over eighty-two cents a day in 1810-20. Similar increases are noted for the wages of printers, cotton and woolen operatives, and other wageearners. From 1830 on the records of wages are YEAR 1869. TIME AND PIECE WAGES. Time wages represent the price for a certain number of hours of the worker's time; piece wages a payment for a task accomplished. When labor consists in a series of definite operations, as in the making of certain portions of shoes, etc., the efficiency of labor can be accurately tested by quantity of product. Payment in proportion to product is likely to stimulate the workers to greater effort than payment in proportion to time. The plan 1870.. is, however, unpopular with most laborers, because they believe that it results in a degree of strain which is injurious to the physical health of the worker; and, moreover, because of an alleged tendency of employers to reduce wages whenever the increased energy of the workers affords them much more than the average rate of pay. From the point of view of society, it is probable that every increase in the efficiency of labor increases the sum of wealth obtained by the working class as a whole; and, therefore, so far as the piece-wage system increases time efficiency, it is advantageous to labor. WOMEN'S WAGES. In most countries the average wages of women are much lower than those of men. An inquiry made in 1884 showed that in Great Britain the average earnings of women were 41 per cent. of those of men; in Massachusetts, 51 per cent. The percentage is probably slightly higher at present. In France, in agriculture the daily wages of women are about 60 per cent. of those of men; in manufactures, about 50 per cent. In only a few occupations do women earn as much per day as men. This is due in part to the fact that women do not possess the strength and endurance of men, partly to the fact that they are likely to be at a disadvantage in selling their labor, owing to their inability or reluctance to seek new employers. But the chief cause appears to be that there have hitherto been so few occupations open to women that they have overcrowded those which were open, reducing the productivity of labor and its reward. This view is supported by the fact that in industries which women enter the wages of men engaged in the same kind of labor frequently fall so low as to force most of the men to seek other forms of employment. WAGES IN THE UNITED STATES. In his Industrial Evolution of the United States (1895) Carroll D. Wright, United States Commissioner of Labor, traces the course of wages in American industry during the progress of a century. From wages wages for pations 1891 being 100 E. Wages of farm labor in gold per month without board (4) (5) 104.8 1871 1872. 1873. 1874. more complete. "In 1831 daily wages for agricultural laborers ranged from 571⁄2 cents to $1; blacksmiths received from $1 to $1.25 per day. The daily average for carpenters was $1.07, while masons received $1.26. Since 1873 wages in these staple occupations have more than doubled. . . . Considering the wages for the great mass of wageearners, the common and agricultural laborers, during the entire period since 1633, the daily wages for the best laborers advanced from twenty-five cents to thirty-three and a third cents immediately before the Revolution, to forty-two and a half cents immediately after, and during June of 1891 the wages of common laborers ranged from $2.50 in Montana to 75 cents in the Carolinas and $1.25 in New York." The preceding table, showing the relative movement of wages and wholesale prices in the United States for a series of years, is taken in its present form from the Report of the Industrial Commission, vol. xix. The original sources are appended. The wages in Column C are taken for twenty-five occupations representing building trades, machine trades, and the higher grades of railroad employees, together with street laborers and teamsters. The wages in Column D are for 192 occupations. In each case they have been averaged and compared with the wages for 1891, which are represented by 100.0. From these tables wages seem to rise rapidly from 1876 to 1893, and then to fall until 1898. BIBLIOGRAPHY. A large part of all systematic treatises on political economy is devoted to the theory of wages. Consult also Von Thünen, Der isolirte Staat (Rostock, 1842-63); Thornton, On Labour (London, 1870); Walker, The Wages Question (New York, 1876); Taussig, Wages and Capital (ib., 1896); Clark, The Distribution of Wealth (ib., 1899). For his tory of wages, consult: Rogers, Six Centuries of Work and Wages (London, 1894); Giffen, Progress of the Working Classes (New York, 1885); and Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States (ib., 1895). Also Reports of the Labor Department of the British Board of Trade; Reports of the United States Department of Labor, and Reports of Massachusetts Board of Labor Statistics. See POLITICAL ECONOMY; TRADE UNIONS; SOCIALISM; LABOR. WAGMÜLLER, väg'mu-ler, MICHAEL (183981). A German sculptor, born near Regensburg. He attended the industrial school in Munich, and also the Academy of Arts. In 1868 he made the first of his many trips to London, where he executed busts of several noted persons. In all his sculpturing he showed a strong tendency toward the art of a painter, with his lifelike poses and flying draperies. Two of his most natural works are a maiden pursuing a butterfly, and a girl startled by the sudden appear ance of a lizard. He executed a Liebig memorial in the Maximiliansplatz at Munich. After Wagmüller's death his bust of Liebig was perpetuated in marble by one of his pupils. WAGNER, väg′nēr, ADOLF (1835–). A German economist, born at Erlangen. He studied jurisprudence and political science at Göttingen and Heidelberg; in 1858 became professor of political economy and finance at the Commercial Academy at Vienna; in 1865 was made professor of statistics at the University of Dorpat; in 1868 was called to the chair of political science at the University of Freiburg; and in 1870 became professor of political science at the University of Berlin. In the same year he was made a member of the Royal Statistical Bureau of Prussia. From 1882 to 1885 he was a member of the Prussian Lower House. He was one of the founders of the Verein für Socialpolitik. Wagner's literary work began with studies in finance, his doctor's dissertation being a mono graph on the science of banking (Beiträge zur Lehre von den Banken, 1857). In 1866 he published works on social and financial statistics. His work in economics proper began with a revision of Rau's Lehrbuch der politischen Oekonomie, appearing in 1875 and 1876. In later editions, the work, which came to bear no direct relation to the original work of Rau, was published under the title Lehr- und Handbuch der politischen Oekonomie, of which the Grundlegung was Wagner's own work (1892-94), as well as the Finanzwissenschaft (in four parts, 18771901, several revised editions of first three parts). The Grundlegung and the Finanzwissenschaft are the best known and most ambitious works of Wagner. In addition, he has published a long list of books and articles, chiefly on practical problems of economics and social science. His Wagner approaches economics from the point of view of jurisprudence and statistics. method is mainly inductive, although in his Grundlegung he shows a marked tendency toward the deductive methods of the theoretical branch of economics. Although sometimes classed with the "Historical School" (see POLITICAL ECONOMY), he was vigorously opposed to the view that historical and inductive studies make up the whole of fruitful economic science. In his work on finance he manifests a decided predilection for the extension of State functions, and has therefore not infrequently been regarded as a Socialist; he recognizes, however, the weaknesses of the pure socialistic theory, and seeks to establish the proper limits of individualism and socialism. WAGNER, ALEXANDER (1838-). An Hun garian painter, born at Budapest. After studying for two years at the Vienna Academy, he entered the school of Piloty in Munich, won his first success in 1859 with "Isabella Zapolya Taking Farewell of Transylvania," and executed for the National Museum in Munich the mural paintings "Entry of Gustavus Adolphus into Aschaffenburg" and "Marriage of Otto II. of Bavaria to Agnes von der Pfalz." The early development of his brilliant technique brought him such tasks as the frescoes in the Redoutengebäude at Budapest, "Banquet of Attila" and "Tournament Between King Matthias Corvinus and Knight Holubar," and the two paintings acquired for the National Museum, "Death of Titus Dagovich" and "Castle Vajda-Hunyad with Matthias Corvinus and Hunting Train." In 1866 he became professor at the Munich Academy. Of his genre scenes produced since the seventies, with a special view to the spirited action of the horse, there are to be noted "Csiko's Race" (1876), "Post Near Toledo" (1879), "Picador in Bull-Fight" (1880), "Horses Driven Over the Puszta" (1886), "Return from Hay Harvest in Hungary," in the Municipal Gallery, Nuremberg, and others. WAGNER, våg'nâr', CHARLES (1852-). A French moral essayist and Protestant clergyman. After studying at Paris, Strassburg, and Göttingen, he served in several Protestant missions in the provinces, went to Paris in 1882, and aroused general interest by his effective protest against the degenerating tendencies of Parisian literature and life in La jeunesse (1893, trans.), Le courage (1894, trans.), La vie simple (1895; trans. 1901), and other volumes. WAGNER, vägʻner, HEINRICH LEOPOLD (174779). A German poet, born at Strassburg. He studied law in his native city, and in 1774 settled at Frankfort. At Strassburg he made the acquaintance of Goethe, while both were students. The friendship was continued at Frankfort. Wagner published two tragedies, Die Reue nach der That (1775) and Die Kindesmörderin (1776), both of which discuss social problems with revolting crudity. His talent is seen to better advantage in Prometheus, Deukalion und seine Rezensenten, and Voltaire am Abend seiner Apotheose, dramatic satires. Wagner was the oldest of Goethe's followers, and a typical poet of the so-called 'storm and stress' period. He had a lively fancy, but lacked taste and the sense of literary form. Consult Schmidt, Heinrich Leopold Wagner, Goethes Jugendenosse (2d ed., Jena, 1879). WAGNER, HERMANN (1840-). A German geographer and statistician, a brother of the economist Adolf Wagner, born at Erlangen. He studied at Erlangen and Göttingen, and in 1864 received an appointment in the gymnasium at Gotha. He became connected with the Justus Perthes Geographical Institute, edited from 1868 to 1876 the statistical section of the Gothaer Almanach, and in 1872 founded Die Besölkerung der Erde, a periodical devoted to the statistics of area and population. In 1880 he became professor of geography at Göttingen. Since 1879 he has been editor of the Geographisches Jahrbuch. He has published Lehrbuch der geographie (189495) and Methodischer Schulatlas (10th ed. 1902). WAGNER, JOHANN MARTIN VON (1777-1858). A German sculptor, born at Würzburg. He studied under his father, Johann Peter Alexander Wagner, and then in Vienna under Füger. At Rome in 1808 he painted "The Heroes Before Troy," and illustrated Goethe's Götter Griechenlands. Louis I. made him director of the gallery at Munich. The bas relief "An Eleusinian Festival" (1819) and the great frieze of Walhalla (1827-37) at Regensburg are among his best works. Consult Ulrichs, Johann Martin von Wagner (Würzburg, 1866). WAGNER, MORITZ (1813-87). A German traveler and naturalist, born at Bayreuth. He studied at Erlangen and Munich; after which he traveled in Algeria, and upon his return pub lished Reisen in der Regenschaft Algier (3 vols., 1841). In 1842-45 he explored the Caucasus, Armenia, and Kurdistan. The results of these explorations appeared in Der Kaukasus und das Land der Kosaken (2 vols., 1847); Reise nach dem Ararat und dem Hochlande Armeniens (1848); Reise nach Persien und dem Lande der Kurden (2 vols., 1852). Later he spent three years in North America and Central America with Karl Scherzer, and they jointly published Reisen in Nordamerika (3 vols., 1854) and Die Republik Costa-Rica (1856). From 1857 till 1860 Wagner was engaged in exploring the region of Panama and of the northern Andes. On his return he became professor of geography and ethnology in the University of Munich. Among his publications, besides those mentioned, are Die Darwinsche Theorie und das Migrationsgesetz der Organismer (1868) and Naturwissenschaftliche Reisen im tropischen Amerika (1870). WAGNER, RICHARD (1813-83). The originator of the music-drama, and one of the greatest of all musical geniuses. He was born at Leipzig, May 22, 1813, the ninth child of Karl Friedsohn Wagner and Johanna Rosina Bertz Wagner. The father, who was a clerk in the police court, and during the French occupation of Leipzig was chief of police, died five months after Richard's birth. His widow, left in straitened circumstances, married in 1815 Ludwig Geyer, an actor, playwright, and portrait painter in Dresden, whither the family removed. Wagner's own father had been fond of poetry and the drama, and devoted to amateur acting. From him Richard inherited, and in the surroundings of his stepfather's home absorbed, that love of the theatre which later directed his musical gifts toward the stage. At the Kreuzschule he wrote, in competition with his classmates, verses on the death of a schoolmate, which received the distinction of being printed. He aimed at the colossal even as a boy; his admiration for Shakespeare led him at fourteen years of age to begin a tragedy, which he described as a jumble of Hamlet and Lear. So many poeple died in the course of the first four acts that their ghosts had to return to keep the fifth act going. He was deeply impressed by Weber's music, and so moved by Beethoven, several of whose symphonies and whose Egmont music he heard at the Gewandhaus, in Leipzig-the family having returned there after Geyer's death in 1820-that he decided to write music for his tragedy. First he tried to teach himself; then he took lessons of Gottlieb Müller, who was too pedantic, however, for Wagner's assertive individuality. An overture composed by him at this time was played between the acts at the theatre where his eldest sister had an engagement. He had written the score in three different inks-the strings in red, the reeds in green, and the brasses in black. Every four bars a loud beat was required of the drum-player. At first the listeners were puzzled, then they became impatient, finally they laughed. In 1830 he entered the University of Leipzig. At this time he began studying music with Theodor Weinlig, to whom as late as 1877 he A sonata and a polonaise (piano duet), without Wagnerian characteristics, which was performed at Leipzig in January, 1833, date from this period, and a C Major Symphony, has an interesting history. Wagner gave it to Mendelssohn, hoping for another performance. We know it was MendelsNothing came of it. sohn who played the Tannhäuser overture at the Gewandhaus "as a warning example." After Mendelssohn's death all search for the manuscript proved fruitless. But in 1872, in an old trunk which Wagner had left in Dresden when he fled during the Revolution of 1849, an almost complete set of the parts was found. A score was compiled from these, and Christmas Eve, 1882, nearly half a century after its composition and within a few weeks of his death, Wagner conducted this early work at a private performance in Venice. paid a high tribute. In 1833, at the age of twenty, he became a professional musician, accepting the post of chorus master at Würzburg, where his brother Albert was a tenor, actor, and chorus master. He be came successively for brief periods conductor at Magdeburg, Königsberg, and Riga, composed the operas Die Feen and Das Liebesverbot (based on Shakespeare's Measure for Measure), and the overtures Columbus and Rule Britannia; wrote a libretto sketch Die hohe Braut, which he sent to Scribe, who took no notice of it; and added to his financial burdens, already critically heavy, by marrying, in 1836, Minna Planer, an actress in Königsberg. As Kapellmeister at Riga (1837-39) Wagner completed the libretto and the first two acts of Rienzi. With his wife he took passage in a sailing vessel from Pillau to London, and during the tempestuous voyage gained his first inspiration for Der fliegende Holländer. After passing eight days in London and four weeks in Boulogne, he arrived in September, 1839, at Paris, where he remained until April, 1842, passing through some of the bitterest experiences of his career. At one time he was so impoverished that he offered himself as a chorus singer at a small Boulevard theatre, but was refused for his lack of voice. The first version of A Faust Overture was finished in 1840 (remodeled in 1855), and, through Meyerbeer's influence, he sold to Pillet, director of the Opéra, his Flying Dutchman sketches, for which, however, Foucher and Revoil were commissioned to write the libretto and Pierre Louis Philippe Dietsche the music. The result, the Vaisseau fantôme, soon disappeared from the stage, but, by an irony of fate, Dietsche conducted nearly twenty years later the Tannhäuser performances which made such a colossal and famous fiasco at the Opéra. After selling his Flying Dutchman sketches Wagner at once set to work on his own version. He had sent the score of Rienzi to Dresden, where it had aroused the enthusiasm of the chorus master, Wilhelm Fischer, and of the tenor, Tichatschek. It was accepted and produced Ootober 20, 1842. Schroeder- Devrient was the Adriano, and Tichatschek the Rienzi. Rienzi's success led to the production of Der fliegende Holländer, January 2, 1843, which was received with only moderate favor. Plainly this sombre but beautiful work was ahead of the times. Spohr, who produced it at Cassel the following June, was the only eminent musician who then approached Wagner with cordiality. Had Wagner not been as true as steel in all matters relating to art, he would have taken his cue from the ill success of the Dutchman and reverted to the brilliant style of Rienzi, But Tannhäuser was his answer to the public that had failed to appreciate The Flying Dutch man. Meanwhile, in January, 1843, he had become one of the conductors of the Dresden opera. His revival and revision of Gluck's Iphigenia in Aulis attracted much attention, as did also his performance of the Ninth Symphony, with new and striking readings of the score. Tannhäuser was produced at Dresden, October 19, 1845, and proved even a greater puzzle to the public than the Flying Dutchman. Liszt, however, brought it out at Weimar late in 1848, an achievement which led to the now historic Wagner-Liszt friendship, in which Liszt played one of the noblest and most self-sacrificing rôles ever taken by genius. "I once more have courage to suffer," wrote Wagner after hearing of the Weimar performance; while Liszt replied: "So much do I owe to your bold and high genius, to the fiery and magnificent pages of your Tannhäuser, that I feel quite awkward in accepting the gratitude you are good enough to express with regard to the two performances I had the honor and happiness to conduct.” Lohengrin was finished in 1848, but Dresden was afraid to produce it. Undaunted, however, Wagner took up other subjects. Sketches for an opera on the Saviour are interesting in view of his allegorical treatment of the subject more than thirty years later in Parsifal. The story of Barbarossa also was considered, but abandoned for the Nibelung myth. The drama Siegfrieds Tod, in alliterative verse, which formed the basis of the Götterdämmerung, was written in the autumn of 1848. More than a quarter of a century and much heart-breaking storm and stress were to intervene before Wagner's ambitions regarding the work into which this drama developed were realized. A venture in publishing his scores resulted in great pecuniary embarrassment. Believing that political changes might lead to more advanced ideas in art, he joined in the revolutionary agitation of 1848-49. When the revolution failed he fled first to Paris and then to Zurich. He was so impoverished that Liszt was obliged to furnish Frau Wagner with the means of joining her husband, and in spite of the moral grit which came to Wagner through his passionate devotion and loyalty to his art, it is questionable if he could have stood the strain without the aid which his brother artist so generously extended to him. An even greater solace was Liszt's production of Lohengrin at Weimar in August, 1850. It acted as a tonic on Wagner. He became all activity. For, though at a distance, he directed the production as well as he could through numerous written instructions. This performance was one of the most important events in Wagner's career. It started the now historic 'Wagner question,' which was fought out in a fierce war of words, with vituperation almost unheard of in art matters, on the part of Wagner's enemies, covering many years; the Wagner cause, however, forging steadily ahead and becoming finally triumphant. A letter from Wagner to Liszt, November 20, 1851, shows that the Nibelung dramas were written backward. Finding that certain narrative episodes in Götterdāmmerung needed to be set forth on the stage, he wrote Siegfried. Finding that even this did not wholly clear up matters, he wrote Die Walküre, and as a further explanatory prelude to these three, Das Rheingold. The same letter proves that he also appreciated the impossibility of producing the work except "at a great festival, to be arranged perhaps especially for the purpose of this performance." Wagner finished the composition of Rheingold in May, 1854, but there is evidence that the music of the "Ring" had been in his mind some time before he penned the score. Dr. William Mason visited Wagner in Zurich in June, 1852, and the composer gave him in autograph the Dragon Motive essentially as it is found in the first act of Siegfried. Yet the music of this act was not sketched out until several years later. In 1855 he was somewhat relieved financially by an en |