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we wish to speak to our wives in my country, we say 'mother;' and I adopted this language, not that I did not love her enough to say my dear,' as you do here, but it is a way we have, you know.'

The speech of which the above is a specimen closed with the following poetical effusion:

"Honor to the brave,

Freedom to the slave,
Success to British liberty,

And God bless Queen Victoria."

I introduce this account not to ridicule the negro, but to show that British anti-slavery, instead of being a pure desire to give freedom to the enslaved and liberty to the oppressed, is mixed up with a very large preponderance of national prejudice and spleen, which finds vent through this channel; and an Exeter Hall audience will put up with and rapturously applaud any speech, and reprint it with every token of admiration and approbation, however destitute it may be of wit and common sense, if it only gives an occasion for John Bull to "put his flippers into the peepers" of Brother Jonathan, as the young man classically remarked to me in the gin palace.

There is one great barrier to all reform in England, and that is the unhallowed caste which exists between the two extremes of society. I was reminded every day, while I was in England, of the caste of color which exists in America, and which Englishmen appear to view, and which, indeed, every man should view, with feelings of righteous abhorrence. But the caste of rank and wealth is as broad, and deep, and destructive as is the caste of color here. An English nobleman would have his daughter associate with, or unite

herself in marriage to, a servant or a poor mechanic no more than would an aristocratic merchant in Boston marry his daughter to a negro, or allow his son to bring home as his betrothed one a negress. Sometimes, indeed, an impoverished lord marries his beggared daughter to the son of a rich merchant, thus exchanging title, and rank, and birth, and blood for money; but other than this an alliance is seldom made; and many a noble would have his daughter led to the altar by a proud, dissolute, broken-down son of a duke, rather than by an industrious, well-disposed, and honest laborer. Marriage is a thing of fashion, and woman is sacrificed to retain a sounding name and an empty title.

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The reforms of England are generally carried on with a great many useless appendages. The public meetings are often boisterous in the extreme. all the Sabbath school, temperance, and anti-slavery meetings which I attended, I thought the speakers aimed to raise a laugh, and, with a few exceptions, formed their speeches so as to draw applause from the congregation. The great Sabbath school meeting to which I have referred was more noisy, with stamping, shouting, and clapping, than any political caucus which I ever attended. Missionary, Sabbath school, and the various reform societies have frequent tea parties and social gatherings, and almost every public effort is preceded by one of these religious frolicks. One evening, I was invited to attend a meeting of ministers, which had convened to discuss the question, “How "How may religious prosperity be promoted in our churches?" A large number of the servants of God were present, and, for an hour, one of the most thrillingly-interesting religious meetings which I ever attended was held; but, at a given time, the doors were thrown open, and servants,

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bearing refreshments, entered, and "religious prosperity" and all the sacred themes connected with it were forgotten, while the company gave themselves to mirth and social enjoyment. And we have much reason to fear that this disposition to "frolick" is becoming a too prominent element in the labor to do good in this country. If temperance, liberty, and religion are to be advanced only as far as they are connected with picnics, fairs, and frolicks, we may fear that they will not be carried on to any good advantage. If men are to be drawn into them only for the sport and fun which they give, they are sure to rest on an unsubstantial basis.

But I regard as the great obstacle in the way of reform in England, the union between the church and the state, which cripples and weakens all the moral energy of the kingdom, and upholds a thousand tottering abuses which but for it would fall before the increasing light. The caste of rank and birth could not long exist after the union between a corrupt church and the government was dissolved. And the day when this union will be abolished, ay, and the very throne itself, is not far distant. The dissenters of England have become a great and influential body, and are clamoring for redress. And they will agitate the subject until the church rates, which every man in the kingdom is required to pay to support the church of England, whether he attend that church or not, are abolished, and the dissenting denominations placed upon the same level with the establishment. When this day comes, the reforms will grow strong and mighty; and when the people are allowed to spend their money to support what religion they choose, the church of England, which now impedes the progress of reforma

tion, will be shorn of its power, and the dissenting chapels will send forth their streams of holy influence to gladden the nation.

The last few days spent in London, after my return from the continent, were engrossed by the doings of the Universal Peace Congress, which held its session in Exeter Hall. At an early hour on the first day, I secured a seat upon the platform, more anxious to see the people than participate in the deliberations of the congress. The number of delegates present from several different nations was quite large; and very soon after the delegates who were admitted by tickets were seated, the hall was completely filled by the populace.

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After a hasty organization of the congress, a half hour was spent in silent prayer. The scene was profoundly grand. That immense mass of heads, all bowed in prayer to God, was awfully eloquent; and though vocal, audible prayer was omitted to please that most illiberal of all the sects who ever pretended to liberality, the Quakers, yet I think no human speech could have equaled the silent breathings of that vast assembly.

The well-known philosopher, Sir David Brewster, was chairman, and gave an opening speech, in which beautiful reference was made to the Crystal Palace, surmounted by flags of all nations, untorn by fire and unstained with blood-the temple of peace and industry.

This congress gave me a fine opportunity to see and hear the distinguished men which it brought together. The most famous speech was that of Richard Cobden, the noted corn-law orator. He is a man in middle life, and makes a very effective speech; and his was almost

the only address I heard while in England, from an Englishman, which did not go out of its way to compliment that nation at the expense of others. He is not an eloquent man, but a very effective one, pouring out his facts in a continuous stream, until his auditors are convinced and overwhelmed. He contended that England had done more to maintain the war spirit than any other nation, and asked his English auditors to lay aside their prejudices, and divest themselves of the flattery which had been laid upon them of late, as with a trowel, and come home to the sober facts. Instead of setting a good example to other nations, England had been enlarging her own fortifications, and increasing her standing army. "Why," said he, "where was the nation that had ever occupied so many and such strategic positions on the surface of the globe? They had fortified strong places, and garrisoned them all over the world, to such an extent, that, if a war ever should come between them and any other strong maritime power, the first step necessary to be taken would be to blow up and abandon some of them. They had Gibraltar, Malta, and Corfu, in the Mediterranean. Crossing the Isthmus of Suez, they had Aden. Then came the Mauritius, which was called the outwork of India. Returning, they had a military position at the Cape. Crossing the Atlantic westward, they had the powerful fortress of Halifax, ready to meet all comers. Going from the continent, they came to the Island of Bermuda, where they were laying out enormous sums in fortifications; and it was but the other day that he had heard an argument to induce Parliament to keep up the fortifications of Jamaica. He should also mention the fortifications of Quebec, which was called the Gibraltar of Canada.”

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