SECEDING STATES. have deemed it proper to refer the whole matter to my Government, and intend deferring the course I indicated in my note this morning until the arrival from Washington of such instructions as I may receive. "I have the honor also to express the hope that no obstructions will be placed in the way, and that you will do me the favor of giving every facility for the departure and return of the bearer, Lieutenant T. Talbot, who is directed to make the journey. "ROBERT ANDERSON." There were other evidences, besides this well-intentioned, but humble and fruitless attempt to reinforce Major Anderson, of an increased indisposition on the part of the Federal Government to continue to yield unresistingly to the demands and encroachments of the secessionists. Under the patriotic inspiration of the new secretary of war, Holt, a more positive assertion of Federal authority was assumed. Dignified words at least were spoken, if not effective measures taken, in vindication of the Government. To the Governor of North Carolina, who, after restoring the forts of that State to the authorities of the United States, had asked if "it was the purpose of the administration to coerce the Southern States?" the secretary of war had responded somewhat equivocally, but still in words more authoritative than the Government of Buchanan had yet ventured to utter. "In reply to your inquiry," wrote the secretary, "whether it is the purpose of the President to garrison the forts of 85 North Carolina during his administration, I am directed to say that they, in common with the other forts, arsenals, and other property of the United States, are in the charge of the President, and that if assailed, no matter from what quarter or under what pretext, it is his duty to protect them by all the means which the law has placed at his disposal. It is not his purpose to garrison the forts to which you refer at present, because he considers them entirely safe, as heretofore, under the shelter of that law-abiding sentiment for which the people of North Carolina have ever been distinguished. Should they, however, be attacked or menaced with danger of being seized or taken from the possession of the United States, he could not escape from his constitutional obligation to defend and preserve them. The very satisfactory and patriotic assurance given by your Excellency justifies him, however, in entertaining the confident expectation that no such contingency will arise." The cotton States, now, had got beyond the influence of words however fitly spoken, and had been so long assured of impunity, that they did not hesitate in their career of insurrection. Mississippi was the first to follow South Carolina in seceding from the Jan. Union. The ordinance of secession was opposed only by fifteen members of the convention, and they resisted but a day, when they, too, signed with the rest. Florida and Alabama Jan. immediately succeeded. In the 11. former State the ordinance secession 9. was carried by a vote of sixty-two to seven. In the latter, though there was the reputable minority of thirty-nine members of the convention to oppose the prevailing number of sixty-one, still the act of secession was hailed with immense enthusiasm. Judge Jones, of the United States District Court, announced with exulting emphasis, from the windows of the court-room at Mobile, that the United States Court for the Southern District of Alabama was "adjourned forever." A prodigal secessionist of the same city gave one hundred cords of wood for the use of the secession garrison in occupation of the Federal Fort Morgan, and proffered twenty negro men to labor on the works to defend the harbor against the United States. The day was declared to be "the wildest day of excitement in the annals of Mobile." On receiving the news of the simultaneous secession of Florida an immense crowd collected about the "secession pole" to witness the raising of the "Southern flag," which was hoisted to the top amid the "shouts of the multitude and the thunders of cannon." The "Mobile Cadets" paraded the streets all day with the "splendid flag, a most gorgeous banner," which had been presented to them by "sympathetic ladies." At night the houses were illuminated so brilliantly, and tarbarrels burnt so profusely, that "the broad boulevard of Government Street became an avenue of light." To crown this exultant display of secession sentiment, the Federal custom-house was lighted up by "patriotic candles," thus affording "a choice epicureanism of triumph and rejoicing" to those excited citizens as they "piled Ossas of insult on Pelions of injury to Uncle Sam."* pos 14. On the passage of the secession ordinance by Florida, her troops, joined by those of Alabama, seized upon Fort Barrancas and the navy-yard at Jan. Pensacola, and thus became sessed not only of important posts of defence, but large supplies of ordnance, ammunition, and stores. "Having no means of resistance," said the United States officer in command in his dispatch to the Government, "I surrendered and hauled down my flag." The secessionists of Florida, themselves, telegraphed to their senators in Washington: "This move was in consequence of the Government garrisoning Fort Pickens, which has before remained unoccupied." "You will propose to the administration," they added, with insolent dictation, "to resume the status quo ante bellum, and we will immediately evacuate." Georgia was the next to adopt in convention the secession ordinance by Jan. a vote of two hundred and eight 19. against eighty-nine. Some of the leading politicians of the State, as Alexander H. Stephens and Herschel V. Johnson, lately a candidate for VicePresident of the United States, opposed this hasty action, and emphatic manifestations of dislike were exhibited by many of the people at being thus hurried out of the Union. The usual popular demonstrations, however, followed the Mobile Advertiser. FAREWELL OF JEFF. DAVIS. passage of the ordinance; sky-rockets were let off, torches burned, and mass meetings gathered and were stirred by martial music and jubilant speech. 26. In a week after, Louisiana followed Jan. Georgia, the convention having, by a vote of one hundred and thirteen to seventeen, declared her out of the Union. The seizure of Federal propFeb. erty, forts, arsenals, and treasure 1. succeeded. Texas, checked by the obstinate loyalty of Governor Houston, was less precipitate, but finally passed, in convention, an ordinance of secession. This, however, was on the condition of its approval by the people, to whose suffrage it was to be submitted on the 23d of February, and, if sanctioned, to take effect on the 3d of March. Texas was thus far the only State which had ventured to submit the question of secession to popular vote. The State finally yielded, and declared itself out of the Union on the 4th of March. The senators of these various seceding States had lingered at Washington as long as, under the pretence of a desire for conciliation, they could, by intriguing with their confederates at the capital, promote their plans, and by wheedling a feeble Executive, embarrass the action of government. They now, however, threw off all disguise, and in the Senate of the United States openly confessed their designs and defied all the efforts of the Federal authority to counteract them. Senator Benjamin, of Louisiana, publicly announced his intention of taking farewell of the Senate in a parting "secession" speech. 87 A large crowd gathered to hear him, and as he closed with the declaration that the South could never be subjugated, a shout of applause rose from the galleries, packed with his sympathizing friends. Jefferson Davis, then United States senator from Mississippi, now the President of the Confederate States, with an unusual mastery of his impulsive rhetoric, thus with studied deliberation and cool assurance confessed his seces- Jan. sion faith, and declared his readi- 21. ness to fight for it: "I rise for the purpose of announcing to the Senate that I have satisfactory evidence that the State of Mississippi, by solemn ordinance in convention assembled, has declared her separation from the United States. Under these circumstances, of course, my functions terminate here. It has seemed to be proper that I should appear in the Senate and announce that fact, and to say something, though very little, upon it. The occasion does not invite me to go into the argument, and my physical condition will not permit it, yet something would seem to be necessary on the part of the State I here represent, on an occasion like this. It is known to senators who have served here, that I have for many years advocated, as an essential attribute of State sovereignty, the right of a State to secede from the Union. If, therefore, I had not believed there was justifiable cause-if I had thought the State was acting without sufficient provocation-still, under my theory of government, I should have felt bound by her action. I, however, fied upon the basis that the States are may say I think she had justifiable sovereign. The time has been, and I cause, and I approve of her acts. I conferred with the people before that act was taken, and counselled them that if they could not remain, that they should take the act. I hope none will confound this expression of opinion with the advocacy of the right of a State to remain in the Union, and disregard its constitutional obligations by nullification. Nullification and secession are indeed antagonistic principles. Nullification is the remedy which is to be sought and applied, within the Union, against an agent of the United States, when the agent has violated constitutional obligations, and the State assumes for itself, and appeals to other States to support it. But when the States themselves, and the people of the States, have so acted as to convince us that they will not regard our constitutional rights, then, and then for the first time, arises the question of secession in its practical application. That great man who now reposes with his fathers, who has been so often arraigned for want of fealty to the Union, advocated the doctrine of nullification, because it preserved the Union. It was because of his deepseated attachment to the Union that Mr. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of nullification, which he claimed would give peace within the limits of the Union, and not disturb it, and only be the means of bringing the agent before the proper tribunal of the States for judgment. Secession belongs to a different class of rights, and is to be justi hope the time will come again, when a NORTHERN LOYALTY. you senators here, and am sure there is 68 bama, and Mississippi-all in open rebellion against the United States Government-were about leaving the Senate chamber, most of their fellow-senators, even those of the North, shook hands with them! The Northern people were slowly awaking to the great dangers which beset the Union, and gradually rising to the efforts necessary to protect it. Prostrated in sympathy with the long inertness of the Government and its still languid action, they might have appeared to a casual observer indifferent to the great issue. There were, however, already indications of that loyalty to the Union which has since manifested itself in such a generous outpouring of men and money. Large meetings were held throughout the country to express devotion to its institutions and to offer service in their defence. At a popular gathering at Chicago, in Illinois, Jan. resolutions were adopted express- 6. ing love for the Union; declaring that every attempt to rend it was the basest treason and most insane folly; that the Constitution of the United States formed a union between the people of the several States, and was intended to be perpetual; that every attempt by a State to secede or annul the laws of the United States was not only a usurpation of the powers of the General Government, but an aggression upon the equal rights of the other States; that peaceable secession, if possible, must necessarily be a matter of agreement between the States, and until such an agreement be made, the Ala-existing Government had no choice but |