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agitation was the Haymarket Square Massacre of May 4, 1886, when about 70 policemen and laborers were killed. and wounded by a bomb thrown by an anarchist.

The trust question now became prominent in the political platforms, the remedies suggested depending upon the party. These combinations with enormous capital began to stifle competition, using their capital not only to extend and better their own manufacturing plants but to buy off aggressive and successful rivals that they might shut down competing mills.* But even these combinations

A meeting of the unemployed had
been called and several speeches had
been made, which, though inflamma-
tory, did not violate the law of free
speech. But a man by the name of
Fielden became so violent in his mills.*
violent in his

speech that a squad of police was or-
dered to the square to quiet the rising
storm. Finally Fielden was told to dis-
continue his speech and the crowd was
ordered to disperse. Fielden shouted
"To arms!" and at that moment a
bomb was thrown into the midst of
the police squad. It exploded and
caused great
great consternation. The
police fired a volley from their revolv-
ers and a battle ensued with the fatal
results above mentioned. Spies, Par-
sons, Fischer, Neebe, Engel, Ling,
Fielden, and Schwab, all of whom
were leaders in this affair, were
arrested and tried as accessories
before the fact. Spies, Fischer, Par-
sons and Engel were hanged on No-
vember 11, 1887; Ling committed
suicide in jail; and Fielden and
Schwab were sentenced to prison for
life and Neebe for a term of fifteen
years. In 1893, however, Governor
Altgeld, on the petition of many
prominent persons, pardoned the last
three, as the evidence was insufficient
to prove that they were connected.
with the actual throwing of the bomb.*

Andrews, Last Quarter-Century, vol. ii., pp.

139-145.

were not able to stay the trend of the
markets. The crop conditions in the
West had taken a turn for the worse
and the yield was largely reduced.
European production on the other
hand had enormously expanded and
India and the Argentine Repub-
lic were shipping 50,000,000 bush-
els of wheat per year to the
foreign market. This competition
therefore cut down the grain ex-
ports. Beside this the manufacturing
industries of this country had also wit-
nessed a similar condition of affairs.+
European manufactures, and espe-
cially those of England, had reached
an unprecedented volume, and this re-
sulted in an aggressive search for

*The principle of the trust-combination for
more economic production that prices to the

public might be reduced-was good in itself, but
its practical operation was otherwise. When com-
petitors were shut off and a monopoly of trade
secured no matter how the selling prices of
merchandise were raised, but the cost of produc-
tion remained the same, thereby enabling the
trusts to pile up enormous amounts of capital for
use as they saw fit. For the history of such com-
binations see Moody's The Truth about the
Trusts; Luther Conant, Jr., Industrial Combina-
tions in the United States.

See the Report of the American Iron and Steel
Association for January, 1889.

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outside markets.

The United States was the market chiefly sought and imports of all kinds began to flow into this country.

The United States was now buying more goods from foreign markets than it could pay for immediately and consequently industrial stocks and bonds were sent to foreign creditors to settle balances. "The net importation of $33,000,000 in gold during the year 1887 in the face of a balance of more than $23,000,000 in merchandise exports in favor of the United States also showed that a large amount of our stocks and bonds were being quietly bought by foreign investors in the open markets."'*

The imports of merchandise, however, soon outstripped our exports and the excess over exports went bounding upward, thus greatly increasing the revenues of the government from customs receipts. Furthermore, the internal revenues had been largely increased by the greater consumption of domestic products as a result of our expansion in wealth and population. The natural result of these conditions, therefore, was a large increase of the surplus in the treasury which, because the government could find no outlet. into the channels of trade, soon threatened to impede the movement of crops and other commercial and financial operations.

A remedy was now sought, but the protectionist majority in the Senate refused to consider the most practical

*Lauck, Panic of 1893, p. 11.

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solution reducing revenues by lowering tariff duties and duties and another method of reducing the surplus was employed. As the public debt which was redeemable at par had already been extinguished, Congress was asked by the treasury officials for authority to purchase the government's unmatured bonds at a premium. April, 1888, such authority was given; during the next two years $45,000,000 had been paid out in premiums, and by 1890, the total interest-bearing debt of the country had been reduced to $725,313,110.*

In

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expense by reforming the tariff and reducing the revenues. The Republicans, on the other hand, said they were "uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of protection." Continuing they said they "would effect all needed reductions of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco and the

tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people." This of course meant increase, not decrease, but if this were not sufficient the party declared for "entire repeal of internal taxes, rather than the surrender of any part of our protection system. But instead of recommending a reduction in expenditures the party demanded" appropriations for the early rebuilding of our navy; for the construction of coast fortifications; for the payment of just pensions to our soldiers; for the necessary works

of national importance in the improvement of harbors and the channels of internal, coastwise and foreign commerce; for the encouragement of the shipping interest."

The election resulted in favor of Harrison and Morton, for although they received 100,000 popular votes less than Cleveland and Thurman, they secured an electoral vote of 233 against a vote of 168 for the latter.* Both branches of the next Congress would be Republican by small majorities.

* Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 413-415, and History of the Presidency, pp. 457-485; McClure, Our Presidents and How We Make Them, pp. 316-336; McPherson, Handbook of Politics, 1888, pp. 182-191, 1890, pp. 26-35; Andrews, Last Quarter-Century, vol. ii., pp. 157168; Sherman's Recollections, vol. ii., pp. 10221032; McClure's Recollections, pp. 138-142; Hoar's Autobiography, vol. ii., pp. 409-415; Lew Wallace, Benjamin Harrison, p. 269 et seq.; Stoddard's Cleveland, pp. 255-263; Whittle's Cleveland, pp. 123-128; Porter and Boyle, Life of William McKinley, pp. 179-189; Murat Halstead, Life and Distinguished Services of William Mo Kinley, pp. 69-72.

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