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the acceptance of the reciprocity agreement by Canada, aroused much antagonism in Congress, and for this and other reasons the measure did not receive the support of the Progressives.

In Canada the opposition to the measure, though in part economic, was imperialistic, for it was made to appear that the United States was seeking to weaken Canada's bonds to Great Britain with a view to future annexation, or at least such intimate union with her powerful neighbor as would detract from her economic loyalty to England. The result of this feeling was seen in an overwhelming vote on September 21 that elected a new Parliament oposed to reciprocity. But the bill passed by Congress and signed by President Taft is still in force, and there are not wanting signs of a gradual change of sentiment north of the border that may yet reverse previous action.

The bill provided for the free interchange of the natural products of both countries, especially of food, and the reduction of rates upon the manufactures of such products. Such food products were: wheat and other grains, fresh fruits and vegetables, dairy products, fish, eggs, poultry, cattle, sheep, and other live animals. Agricultural implements imported from the United States met lower Canadian duties, and specified products that are now free in one country. were to find admission to the other, as, for instance, cotton-seed oil going into

Canada and rough lumber coming into the United States.

"Twice within the last twelve months the President of the United States has sketched out a step in advance more momentous than any one thing that any statesman in his position has ventured to say before." These are the words of Sir Edward Grey, British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, regarding an act of the highest statesmanship, for which the administration of President Taft will undoubtedly be most celebrated in history. It was the successful termination of long negotiations for the arrangement of “ peace treaties" with Great Britain and France. These provided for arbitration through the usual channels of all "6 justiciable" disputes that might arise between the United States and either of the other countries, and arranged that, in case of doubt as to whether any particular grievance was or was not justiciable, a joint high commission should be named to pass upon the question. The treaties were signed on August 3, 1911, on the part of the United States by Philander C. Knox, Secretary of State, and on behalf of England and France by their respective ambassadors, James Bryce and Jean Jules Jusserand. The promulgation of these treaties aroused great public interest in the three countries concerned.

When signed, the treaties were sent to the Senate, whose members, always sensitively jealous of anything that

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looked like infringement upon senatorial dignity and "rights," began to take exceptions. The treaties were in two divisions, the first containing the ordinary provisions for bringing before the Hague Tribunal all justiciable questions arising between the respective countries, even even those of vital interest and national honor." It was this point that occasioned a parting of the ways for many public men, including Mr. Roosevelt. The second part of the treaties contained detailed provisions for a joint high commission to decide, when disputes arose, whether any specific action was justiciable and so subject to arbitration. Although the Senate was safeguarded by its "consent " to the appointment of the United States portion of the commissioners, as well as to every subsequent action of the tribunal, the fear that the joint high commission might prove to be a usurpation of senatorial treaty-making privileges aroused jealous antagonism. The following amendment was therefore made and incorporated in the treaty, on March 5, 1912, to the effect that this country

"Would not authorize submission to arbitration of aliens into the United States, or the admission of aliens to the educational institutions of the several States, or the territorial integrity of the several States or the United States, or concerning the question of the alleged indebtedness or moneyed obligation of any State of the United States, or any question which depends upon or involves the maintenance of the traditional attitude of the United States concerning American questions commonly described as the Monroe doctrine or other purely governmental policy."

Another matter arose in our foreign relations that was of more than ordinary importance. It concerned Russia, which has long discriminated not only against certain classes of her own population but against members of these classes bringing passports from other countries. So many Jews from the United States designing to travel in Russia have been denied the right, that the matter finally reached the diplomatic stage in 1911, and although, early in that year, announcement was sent out from St. Petersburg that more liberal treatment would hereafter be accorded to Jewish travelers, formal protest was made to Russia that her autocratic claims and discriminations were contrary to the terms of the treaty of commerce and navigation of 1832. This treaty stipulated that the inhabitants of both the United States and Russia should mutually have liberty to enter the ports, places and rivers of the territory of each party wherever foreign commerce is permitted. On the announced contention of Russia that her hesitation to admit American Jews was due to the fact that she would not extend to Jews of other countries rights and privileges which she denied to Jews of her own country, a bill was introduced in the House of Representatives and promptly passed, calling for a revision of the treaty of 1832. But the wording of the bill was so radical as to receive a formal intimation that it was offensive to Russia; whereupon President Taft diplo

matically sent a message to the Senate on December 18, 1911, notifying that body that, owing to Russia's construction of the treaty, the instrument was regarded by this Government as without effect, thus, by executive action, giving the stipulated one year's notice of its final abrogation. The Senate on the following day ratified his action without a dissenting vote, and the next day the House adopted the Senate's resolution.

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These are the great overtopping measures and policies-tariff revision, prosecution of the trusts, the Mann-Elkins bill, Canadian reciprocity overtures, and negotiations of the peace treaties that will be associated with the Administration of President Taft. These formed the backbone of achievement or well-intentioned attempts toward accomplishment to which he pointed as a "record" during his campaign for reëlection. Yet there were many others of less importance, not so conspicuously in the public eye-homely "everyday "measures, like the bills for parcels post and postal savings banks, that may, after all, be found to be of large, practical utility, to which any administration might "point with pride." The public lands act was also beneficent, by which the President was authorized" at any time at his discretion to temporarily with draw any of the public lands of the United States, and reserve the same for water power sites, irrigation and other public purposes. The with

drawal remains effective until revoked by the President or Congress, but the lands withdrawn are open to exploration and to the purchase of minerals other than coal, oil, gas and phosphates." The Administration will be favorably remembered, too, for its sincere efforts to economize in administrative lines, and much real progress was made in greater efficiency and economy in the work of the departments, many millions of dollars being saved thereby. Among other achievements, the post-office deficit was, for a year, transformed into a surplus. The cause of civil service was advanced by an executive order placing the fourth-class postmasters under the classified service. Perhaps more open to question, though of undoubted patriotic purpose, was the increase of 20 per cent. in pensions over the previous budget of $160,000,000. As commendable measures of administrative policy were the establishment of a Bureau of Mines under the oversight of the Interior Department; the creation, in the Department of Commerce and Labor, of a Children's Bureau whose province was defined to be "investigating and reporting upon all matters pertaining to the welfare of children and child life infant mortality, the birth rate, physical degeneracy, orphanage, juvenile courts, desertion, dangerous occupations, accident and disease, employment and legislation affecting children;" and a much desired concentration of responsibility in a single

judicial body, the Customs Court, designed to obviate previous confusion in interpreting various provisions of the tariff law on appeal in contested

cases.

This Administration will be noted also for the number, extent and thoroughness of Congressional investigations. Not only was the Interior Department under fire in the Ballinger controversy but every other executive department and the civil service as well—the case of Dr. Harvey W. Wiley, head of the Chemical Bureau of the Agricultural Department, exciting the greatest public interest and resulting in his complete exoneration of all charges brought against him. It is well to note in passing that the Agricultural Department made a searching investigation of its own into the "high cost of living." There were also investigations of the Steel Trust, the operations of the Sugar Trust, the alleged "Money Trust" and the methods of the Attorney-General in the enforcement of anti-trust laws; of express companies, the American Woolen Company and questions pertaining to employers' liability and workingmen's compensation; of the Titanic disaster, which resulted in efficient legislation safe-guarding ocean travel; of charges of bribery in connection with the election of William Lorimer, of Illinois, to the Senate, and of Judge Robert W. Archbald of the Commerce Court, for alleged illegal transactions the former resulting in the defendant's resignation,

and the latter in impeachment by the House. The important report of the Monetary Commission in the early part of 1912, while not strictly the result of an "investigation," was made only after the most careful and thorough research, both in this country and abroad, under the conduct of the National Monetary Commission, of which Senator Nelson W. Aldrich was chairman. This report, in brief, recommended the establishment of a National Reserve Association, a union for holding a part of the cash reserves of National banks, for issuing circulating notes under government regulation, and for acting as fiscal agent of the United States Treasury to support the credit of the banks and Nation.

No other President since Washington has made so many appointments to the Supreme Court, and President Taft's judicial temperament and training stood the Nation in good stead in selecting or promoting the following judges: In 1909, Horace H. Lurton, of Tennessee; in 1910, Charles E. Hughes, of New York, Willis Van Devanter, of Wyoming, Joseph R. Lamar, of Georgia, and Edward D. White, of Louisiana - the latter being an elevation to the chief-justiceship; in 1912, Mahlen Pitney, of New Jersey. The President made only two Cabinet changes the exchange of Richard A. Ballinger for Walter L. Fisher in the Interior Department, and Jacob M. Dickinson for Henry L. Stimson in the War Department.

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