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his party- an honor that he accepted with reluctance for he knew history too well not to be aware of the disastrous experiences of former VicePresidents; and was too keen a politician not to grasp the true inwardness of the situation. Yet it was an honor that could not well be refused, and his name was accordingly linked with that of William McKinley as the nominee of the Republican party.

In its platform the Republican party called attention to the redemption of its pledges to establish the currency of the nation on a gold basis, and pointed to the increased prosperity as the result; the administration was commended for its triumph in the war with Spain; honest combinations of capital were approved, but trusts and monopolies condemned; the protective policy was reaffirmed; reciprocity, restriction of immigration, ship subsidies and liberal pensions favored; the civil service policy commended; restriction of suffrage in the South condemned; good roads, rural free delivery, reclamation of arid lands, statehood for the Territories, reduction of the war tax, the construction of an Isthmian Canal, the formation of a department of Commerce and Labor, improvement of the consular service were recommended and, finally, the whole policy of expansion was approved.

The Democratic national convention met July 5, at Kansas City, Mo., and after eulogistic speeches in favor of William Jennings Bryan, he was

nominated by acclamation, David B. Hill of New York, an opponent in 1896, seconding the nomination. The choice for nomination for Vice-President was Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, Vice-President in 1892-1896.*

The Democratic platform made im

*Other national conventions:

At the national convention of the People's party (Middle-of-the-Road Anti-fusionists) held at Cincinnati, Ohio, May 10, Wharton Barker of Pennsylvania, was nominated for President on the second ballot. Ignatius Donnelly was nominated for Vice-President by acclamation. The Prohibitionist national convention at Chicago, June 28, nominated John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for President on the first ballot. Henry B. Metcalf, of Rhode Island, was nominated for VicePresident on the first ballot. The Socialist Labor Party national convention in the city of New York, June 6, nominated Joseph F. Mal loney, of Massachusetts, for President, on the first ballot. Valentine Remmel was nominated for Vice-President on the first ballot. The Social Democratic national convention, at Indianapolis, Ind., March 6, nominated Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, for President and Job Harriman, of California, for Vice-President, by acclamation. The United Christian Party national convention at Rock Island, Ill., May 2, nominated Silas C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President and John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for VicePresident, by acclamation. The Silver Republican national convention at Kansas City, Mo., July 6, indorsed the nomination of William Jennings Bryan for President and referred the nomination of a candidate for Vice-President to the national committee, which endorsed the Democratic nominee, A. E. Stevenson. The National Party convention in the city of New York, September 6, nominated Donelson Caffery, of Louisiana, for President and Archibald M. Howe, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President, by acclamation. These candidates declined and no other nominations were made. At a meeting of the Anti-Imperialist League, at Indianapolis, Ind., August 16, William J. Bryan was endorsed for President. The national committee of the National Democratic party (Gold Democrats) at Indianapolis, Ind., July 25, adopted resolutions recommending that no candidates be nominated by the party, and opposing William J. Bryan.

perialism the paramount issue, thereby relegating the silver question to a secondary position. The Porto Rico law was denounced, the evacuation of Cuba demanded and the policy regarding the Philippines "condemned and denounced." Expansion that comprehended the accession of territory capable of being erected into states of the Union, was advocated, but the formation of a colonial empire was denounced as involving the very existence of the Republic. A strict adherence to the Monroe Doctrine was insisted upon, and militarism denounced; trusts and monopolists were denominated as intolerable and the Dingley tariff law condemned. as a trust-breeding instrument. Chicago free silver plank was reaffirmed and the currency law of 1900 denounced. In addition the popular election of Senators, the formation of a department of labor, liberal pensions, the Nicaraugan canal, statehood for the Territories, reclamation of arid lands, repeal of the war taxes, exclusion of Chinese immigrants and sympathy with the Boers were approved; and injunctions, the HayPauncefote treaty, and all alliances with foreign powers were condemned. The platform concluded with the statement:

The

"Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, that the very existence of our constitutional Republic is at stake, and that the decision now to be rendered will determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those blessed privileges of free government which have made the United States great, prosperous

and honored, we earnestly ask for the foregoing declaration of principles the hearty support of the liberty-loving American people regardless of previous party affiliations."

Democracy went into the contest with a forlorn hope, every condition. opposing a change of administration at that time, yet Mr. Bryan, as before, made a splendid struggle against his odds. With remarkable endurance and enthusiasm he covered almost the entire country in his campaign, moving his hearers with his eloquence and the charm of his personality, even though he was unable to influence them by his logic to vote for his principles. During the last weeks of the campaign, the popular interest, which had at times been distracted by the Boxer uprising, the Galveston flood, and other startling events, rose to an unwonted pitch. Rallies were held in the cities throughout the nation, the most remarkable, perhaps, being the "sound money parade of 100,000 voters which took place in New York, November 3. The result, however, was what had been evident from the beginning to all but the blindest adherents of Democracy, elected by the tremendous plurality and President McKinley was

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of 832,280 votes, receiving a popular vote of 7,206,677 to Bryan's 6,374,397. The electoral vote was 292 for McKinley and Roosevelt against 155 for Bryan and Stevenson. The "Solid South," of course, cast its vote for Mr. Bryan, and in addition he carried Idaho, Montana, Nevada, and Colorado. One remarkable and somewhat

pathetic incident of the election was the fact that Bryan failed to carry Nebraska, his own state, his city, or his voting precinct.

As has been noted the public interest in the campaign of 1900 was deflected by other happenings, both internal and external. Of the latter the most sensational was the war between Great Britain and the South African Republic. The sympathy of the American people went out strongly towards the brave and hardy Boers in their dauntless stand against the unlimited resources of the English, but the memory of England's consistent friendship during the war with Spain prevented any official activities in favor of the people of the Transvaal. A delegation of the Boers* to America arrived in New York May 16, and were received with great cordiality by the citizens of New York, the freedom of the city being tendered them by Mayor Van Wyck. Subsequently they were unofficially received by the President, but their mission on the whole was a failure, in view of the fact that Great Britain had announced her refusal to entertain any proposition for mediation.

Under the circumstances

the attitude of the President was correct, for official action in favor of the Boers would have been a repudiation of the declaration of neutrality made by the United States at the outbreak of the war.

On September 9, the nation was ap

*Members of the Boer commission: Abraham Fischer, C. N. Wessels and J. M. A. Wolmarans.

palled by the news that Galveston, Texas, had been destroyed by a tornado and a tidal wave. Owing to the destruction of means of communication it was several days before the extent of the catastrophe was learned, wild rumors as to the utter annihilation of the the entire populace in the meanwhile gaining credence. The most exaggerated reports, however, were hardly less fearful than the truth. It was then learned that the town had been swept by a heavy storm throughout September 8, which gradually increased in fury, until about midnight it was submerged by a tidal that, unobstructed by any kind of breakwater, overwhelmed the city. When the storm passed it left behind a city of the dead. The waters slowly receded, sweeping with them into the Gulf the bodies of thousands who had perished, and leaving thousands of others among the wreckage and strewn along the beach. In this fearful cataclysm 7,000 people lost their lives; 4,000 more than at Johnstown. From eight to ten thousand houses were destroyed, and property aggregating $30,000,000 swept out of existence. The reply of the nation for aid was immediate and generous. The Red Cross, under Miss Barton, again set to work in the cause of the suffering; over a million dollars for relief was raised by popular subscription, which was added to by large donations from all over the world.

Galveston had already been warned of the danger of its situation by dis

astrous storms, one of which had resulted in a loss of 38 lives and $5,000,000 worth of property (1886), but she had not heeded, and now the hand of destiny seemed so strong that it was proposed to abandon the site of the city. The citizens, however, were disinclined to desert a situation that had so many redeeming features, including the finest harbor on the Gulf coast. With grim determination they went to work to build a city that would endure, however hard the elements might beat against it. The streets were cleared of debris, new buildings gotten under way, and plans were made for the construction of a great sea-wall which would prevent a repetition of the disaster of September 8. This was done at a cost of more than a million dollars, and to-day Galveston is one of the most prosperous, safest, cleanest and bestgoverned cities in the United States.*

President McKinley's second inauguration was a splendid pageant, and in its excess indicated the national desire to do him honor. The day, too, was symbolic of the experiences of the nation during the last few years, for although it was stormy for a while, as is its wont on March 4, yet the sun shone from time to time as if

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prophetic of better days to follow. The army played a major part in the ceremonies, the military parade being the largest seen in Washington since the epoch of the Civil War.

For President McKinley, however, it was climax and completion of his career. Few of those in the great multitude that acclaimed his second elevation to the position of supreme honor in the gift of his country dreamed that before six months had passed he would be the victim of an assassin's bullet. On May 20, the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, New York, opened its doors to the public. This exhibition was intended to represent and intensify a spirit of mutual interest that had been growing between the United States and the republics of Latin-America. To this movement President McKinley had given his cordial support, and accordingly was made the guest of the Exposition, September 5-6. On the former date he made an address before an audience of 50,000 people in which he summed up the ideals of his nation as he conceived them. The

closing words of his last public utterance contain a message that should be treasured, coming at the time they did, at this time with a special benediction:

"Gentlemen, let us ever remember that our interest is in concord, not conflict, and that our real eminence rests in victories of peace and not in those of war. We hope that all who are represented here may be moved to higher and nobler effort for their own and the world's good, and that out of this city may come not only greater

commerce and trade for us all, but more essential than that, these relations of mutual respect, confidence and friendship, which will deepen and endure.

"Our earnest prayer is that God will graciously vouchsafe prosperity, happiness and peace to all our neighbors, and like blessings to all the peoples and powers of the earth."

This was the the final message of William McKinley to the American people. The next day, at a public reception given in his honor at the Temple of Music, he was shot down by an anarchist, Leon Czolgosz, who approached under the pretense of greeting him, as thousands were doing at the time. Czolgosz, it ap

pears, was not the agent of an organi

zation, but acted on his own initiative. He had been impelled to his insane deed by the teachings of Johann Most and Emma Goldman,— a deed that he expiated by his death October 29, 1901.

It was thought at first that the President's wound was not serious, and favorable reports were given to the public, but soon it was seen that his chances for life were growing less each day, and on September 14, President McKinley had passed away. His body was laid in state in Buffalo, and in the capitol at Washington, and was finally laid to rest in his home town, Canton, Ohio.

CHAPTER XVI.

1901-1904.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT'S ADMINISTRATION.

President McKinley and President Roosevelt - The Trusts - Collisions of labor and capital - The great anthracite strike-Intervention of President Roosevelt Friendly advances of Germany The Panama Canal-The campaign of 1904 and re-election of Roosevelt.

It would be difficult to conceive two personalities more strongly in contrast than those of William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt. By origin, training, and by instincts they were antithetical. The former was born of a Scotch pioneer family that had sought, like many others, the Great West, finding there the freedom denied by the older older communities. Neither rich nor poor, the McKinleys were of that sturdy middle-class who

VOL. X 15

form the solid, resisting material of the American people. The Roosevelts, on the contrary, had been city dwellers from the days of New Amsterdam, gaining generation by generation the accretion of wealth and culture arising from such environment. Yet strange to say the boy born in the little Ohio town, later became possessed of the characteristics assumed to mark the aristocrat, while his successor, more intellectual,

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