a belligerent ship lawfully seized and brought into the Prize Court, and that Lucien neither claimed nor possessed any personal or professional immunity from capture.

Again, as to the Caroline, in 1837, never was a more justifiable act than the burning of that vessel. She was supplied by American citizens on the American side of the Niagara, with implements of war for the purpose of attacking an English colony; remonstrances having proved unavailing, the vessel was seized as a matter of self-defence, and the act fully justified at the time to the American Government. (3 Phillimore, p. 50.)

Lastly, as to the seizure of the Irish rebel, McManus, in 1848, he was taken by the police, in an English port, within English territorial jurisdiction, out of an American merchant-ship. No jurist ever did or will deny the lawfulness of the act.

What, then, is the conclusion of reason and justice upon the whole case? Bad precedents, if they existed, would not make the law; but they are shown not to exist. On the other hand, all the reasoning from acknowledged principles condemns the act of the San Jacinto. Nor must it be forgotten that this question must be looked at by England, not merely from the side, so to speak, of the injury done to herself, but from

the side of her duty towards those who were under her protection. We have not been in the habit of deserting those who have trusted us. God forbid that we should begin to do so now. Happily the firm attitude of our Government leaves no ground for such a craven fear. The envoys torn by violence from the protection of our flag must be restored, and with due apology for the outrage. We do not seek to humiliate the Northern States of America. To make make reparation is humiliation only to a petty, meanspirited State. America, like England, is too great to be afraid of admitting that she has been in the wrong. The truth is that she has got into this scrape from a silly affectation of not seeing that which everybody else sees. When dissensions in a State assume the proportions of civil war, when the status of belligerents is constituted, and the rights of war and the obligations of neutrals are involved, it is idle to talk to other States of "rebels" and "rebellion," and demand the application of municipal law. It is the error into which England fell nearly a century ago when the United States became independent. Then it was that the great statesman and orator, who incurred the disfavour of courts and mobs for his steady support of the claims of the revolted American colonies, said to England, on behalf of

C

America, that which America would now do well Strange incongruities will ever

to say to herself

perplex those who confound the unhappiness of civil dissensions with the crime of treason."+(Burke's letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol on the affairs of America, 1777.)

THE END.

But, and For. Ante. Star. So en

BRITISH AID TO THE CONFEDERATES.

INTRODUCTORY.

THE following Letters appeared in the Daily News of the 12th and the 17th of the current month. The facts set forth, are considered of sufficient importance to justify their re-publication in the present form. Their authenticity has been satisfactorily established; and some have been confirmed, in a most unexpected and remarkable manner, by the despatches of the Confederates to their agents in Europe, intercepted by the United States' Government in Öctober last, and published in the Washington Intelligencer of the 17th, and in the New-York Times of the 18th and 19th January last.

Mr. W. S. Lindsay, M.P. for Sunderland, is designated in them as one of the parties through whom arrangements are carried on for the construction of war-steamers for the service of the Confederacy of slaveholders, and as the negotiators of their naval-store bonds. Messrs. G. Thompson and Co., of Glasgow, are also referred to by name, as a firm that would make proposals for the construction of at least one steamer; and it is shewn that they are actually-building on the Clyde, "a powerful armour-clad steamram." Messrs. Fraser, Trenholm, and Co., of Liverpool, who have contracted "for a large vessel of 3000 tons," are associated with Mr. Spence the "S." correspondent of the Times, and the author of that special plea for the slaveholders, which is better known as the volume entitled The American Union-as the financial agents of Mr. Jefferson Davis and his associates. What the Confederate bonds may ultimately be worth, which these persons are commissioned to dispose of, at fifty per cent. discount to any English speculator who may be foolish enough to take them, may be judged of from the following extract from a specch delivered by the Vice-President of the Confederacy, A. H. Stephens, at Augusta, Ga., on the 11th July 1861:

CONFEDERATE BONDS.

"I have been frequently asked if these bonds were good. Well, I want to be equally frank upon that point. If we succeed, if we establish our independence, if we are not over-ridden, if we are not subjugated, I feel no hesitation in telling you it is the best Government Stock in the world that I know of. It is eight per cent. interest; and if we succeed in a short time, in a few years, if not more than one hundred millions or two hundred millions are issued, I have but little doubt they will command a considerable premium. The old United-States' Stock (six per cent. bonds) five years ago commanded fifteen and sixteen per cent., and went as high as twenty per cent. Take the Central Railroad. The stock of that Company commands fifteen per cent. premium. Now these bonds pay eight per cent. semi-annually; therefore, if there is a short war, these bonds very soon will command fifteen or twenty per cent. But candour

also compels me to state, that if Lincoln over-runs us-if we are subjugated, these bonds will not be worth a single dime."

The anxiety of certain parties to obtain the recognition of the Slaveholder's Confederacy may thus be easily accounted for.

With reference to Mr. Lindsay's steamer, the Princess Royal, mentioned by "Anonymous " in his first letter, as having run the blockade, and in his second, as having again cleared out on the 8th Dec. ult., for Halifax and Vancouver's Island, the following information, as to the issue of her last venture, is extracted from the papers which reached England by the American mail of the 4th instant:

"The English steam propeller, Princess Royal, while trying to enter Charleston harbour on the 28th January, was chased ashore and captured by the blockaders off Long Island, about fifteen miles from Charleston Bar. The pilot and one of the crew escaped to the shore. She was from Glasgow, and contained a most valuable cargo, comprising eight Whitworth guns, engines for four gunboats, gunpowder, rifles, &c. Important despatches to the Confederate States from Captain Maury, in Europe, were saved from the Princess Royal previous to her capture.

The Richmond Whig, of Jan. 31, gives the following account of her cargo:

The Princess Royal had on board a most valuable cargo, consisting of eight Whitworth guns, four steam-engines for gunboats, rifles, powder, &c. The bulk of her freight was about 900 tons weight and measurement. A party of English workmen, skilled in the manufacture of projectiles, were captured with the vessel. The pilot and one or two of the crew escaped in a boat, and reached Charleston safely. We are gratified to learn that important despatches from Captain Maury to the Government were saved by these persons.

Did not Mr. Lindsay know that the destination of the Princess Royal was not Halifax and Vancouver's Island?

BRITISH AID TO THE CONFEDERATES.

From the Daily News of the 12th February.)

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE VISCOUNT PALMERTSON. MY LORD-The writer deems no apology necessary for this direct address to your Lordship, through the medium of a newsThe subject of his communication is of national importance. He is a citizen, you are Prime Minister: hence, on the one side, the privilege of public appeal; on the other, the official obligation to give ear.

paper.

A sanguinary war is being waged between the Northern and the Southern sections of the American Union. On the part of the North, a struggle for the integrity of a government has developed into a contest for free institutions and the abolition of Slavery; on that of the South it is, and has been from the outset, a rebellion of man-stealers and man-sellers, for the avowed object of establishing the supremacy of the most formidable system of despotism, as it is the vilest, which has ever scourged mankind. Europe looks on appalled at the awful sacrifice of human life this unprovoked war has caused, and contemplates, with bleeding heart, the sufferings and the misery it has been the means of