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terial out of which can soonest be made the most formidable force, both naval and military, is our own. When Washington was asked what he would do if beaten in the East, as it then seemed he must inevitably be after he was driven beyond the Delaware, he replied, "Retire beyond the Blue Ridge, where we can fight forever." The capacity for resistance shown by the Boers in South Africa proves that the world in arms could make no headway against the Republic whose young men, man for man, can ride and shoot with the Boers, and who, being more intelligent and equally patriotic, possess the genius of initiative in even greater degree than their worthy compeer, the young Boer.

The nation is therefore immune from serious attack at home. As for attack by a naval power, that is almost equally impracticable. The ports could be closed, the harbors mined and countermined, and, above all, an edict of non-exportation of food products would bring the other principal naval powers to famine prices for food to feed their people, and compel peace. Britain absolutely depends upon our food supplies and our cotton, and could not long feed her people if our ports were closed. Germany imports

largely of food products from the United States and would suffer seriously from their cessation. It is not within the range of probabilities that the Republic, unless it become aggressive, is ever to be attacked, but there is danger in the present temper of the people that we may forsake the policy of peaceful industrial development under which we have become the richest of nations, and be involved in the ruinous wars, and rumors of war which are almost as costly.

This volume will be read to little advantage unless the doctrines and advice of Washington and Lincoln be taken to heart and the reign of peaceful Industrialism, marked out for the nation in contradistinction to the militarism prevailing elsewhere, is kept steadily in view. Under the tidal wave of military glory, upheaved by the recent campaign against Spain, our late President was swept against his own ardent wish and his better judgment into a departure from the policy of the Fathers of the Republic, and for the first time distant territory in the tropics was absorbed where our own race can never settle. It is a dangerous departure, but hopeful signs are not wanting that it is to prove but temporary,

and that, as with Cuba, so with the Philippines, the policy adopted by the Republic at first will ultimately prevail and it will return to its former policy. The Filipinos will be invited to establish a free and independent government and thus fulfill the highest aspirations of their people," as the Cubans were, such being the truly American words addressed by that thorough democrat and man of the people, the late deeply lamented President McKinley. The "Mother of Nations" is probably to have a rival in her offspring, who will also be a creator of free peoples, the Republic of Cuba her firstborn, the "Republic of the Orient" her second. America for the Americans involves the Philippines for the Filipinos. True glory for the American Republic lies here.

President Roosevelt, in his first message to Congress, recognizes the Philippines as "a burden." Secretary of the Navy Long, in his last speech, looks forward to their independence. Chairman Schurman of the Philippine Commission sees no justification of our present attitude unless it leads to independence. The closing words in his book upon the subject are of much signifi

cance:

"To repeat what ought not to need repetition anywhere within the limits of our Republic, any decent kind of government of Filipinos by Filipinos is better than the best possible government of Filipinos by Americans."

Governor-General Taft of the Philippines is of the opinion that it would have been better if we had never taken them. Public opinion is steadily moving in accordance with these views, and those statesmen abroad who, wishing the Republic no good, are so solicitous that we should remain entangled and embarrassed by continuing to hold territory in the tropics and to suppress the divine aspirations of the Filipinos for self-government are, in the opinion of the writer, to be grievously disappointed. disappointed. The American Democracy has never yet failed to keep the Republic in the true path marked out by the Fathers.

Freed from this prolific source of possible danger, the sky above the American has no threatening clouds. All moves steadily to improved conditions; existing causes lead to her rapid development, material, moral, and intellectual. The central The central government growing in power and popularity, the individual

citizen more and more patriotic, the masses of the people more intelligent-the poor not so poor, and the rich more alive to the truth that their surplus is a sacred trust, to be administered during life for the general good.

Founded upon justice, the equality of its citizens, resting upon an educated and loyal people, immune from foreign attack, a fertile continent to develop, and the teachings of the Fathers as their guide-should Democracy fall under such conditions, it falls, like Lucifer, never to hope again. But the writer sees no premonitions of such fall in the horoscope of the Republic, the product and symbol of triumphant Democracy.

ANDREW CARNEGIE.

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