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'Almost every battle has been won by the South, but every Southern victory has been rendered fruitless by the overwhelming numerical superiority of the vanquished. The conquerors found themselves on every occasion confronted by new armies, and deprived of the fruits of victory by the facility with which the broken ranks of the enemy were replenished. The smaller losses of the South were irreparable, the greater sacrifices of the North were of no consequence whatever in the eyes of a Government which lavished the lives of hired rowdies and foreign mercenaries, in the knowledge that money could repair all that folly and ferocity might destroy. The South has perished by exhaustion-by sheer inability to recruit her exhausted armies. Whatever errors may have contributed to hasten her fall; whatever may be due to the fatal march into Tennessee, and the incomprehensible policy which laid Georgia and the Carolinas open to SHERMAN, the struggle had been decided solely by the relative numbers of the belligerents; by the fact that the Federal recruiting field was practically unlimited, while that of the Confederates was too small to supply the losses of each campaign. It may console the heroic soldiers of the South to remember that their whole force was never equal in number to the foreign mercenaries of the Union alone; but the lesson which this war has taught is one of disastrous augury for mankind. It can hardly be hoped that any people will show greater devotion than the Southerners; that any country will send forth braver armies or greater generals; and the fate of Secession assures us that valor and strategy are vain when opposed to numbers; that a commander who must count the lives of his men must, in the end, be overpowered by one who, like Grant, can afford to regard the loss of ten thousand men as a matter of indifference. When we compare the respective numbers belonging to free and despotic States - when we count up the overwhelming numerical superiority of despotisms, legitimate and democratic, over all constitutional countries combined, we cannot but feel that the fall of the Confederacy is a presage of evil for the cause of liberty and the future of mankind.

'The part which England has played in this awful drama

adds a tenfold bitterness to the grief with which we regard its deplorable catastrophe. Every generous heart must be wrung in witnessing the death-agony of a gallant nation; but we, the nearest kinsmen, whose supineness permitted, whose policy furthered and hastened its destruction, have to bear, not only the pang of sorrow, but the worse tortures of self-reproach. England-may heaven forgive her!-has cast away the noblest opportunity, and been accessory to the greatest crime that modern history records. A single despatch, a single stroke of the pen, requiring no more than the commonest foresight, and the most ordinary courage, would have enabled her to preserve the gratitude of generations yet unborn. More than once it has been in her power, without a blow, to establish in the New World that international balance of power without which neither peace nor liberty is possible. She might have given independence to the South; have stayed the carnage of the war; have made Canada safe forever; have secured a firm, loyal, and powerful ally; have secured against disturbance and interruption the hopeful and generous experiment by which France is endeavoring to restore order and peace to Mexico, and to save the resources of that magnificent country for commerce and for civilization—all this she might have done without overstepping, by a hair's-breadth, the duty of neutrals and the law of nations, and there was not found in England a statesman who had the courage to seize the glorious opportunity. Worse than this, the men to whose feeble and unworthy hands her great power and vast responsibilities were entrusted, not only shrank from casting her moral weight into the scale of justice, order, and civilization, but they lent her aid to the champions of tyranny within the Union, and of anarchy abroad. They gave grudgingly to the South, in her struggle for her own independence, for the safety of our colonies, and the peace of the American continent, a limited share of belligerent rights; but they seized her unarmed ships in our harbors, they drove her cruisers forth from our colonial ports, they harassed her with hampering and vexatious demands, while they allowed her enemy to recruit in Ireland, to blockade our seaports, and to exceed the utmost latitude of

belligerent privileges in order to intercept the trade of the Confederates.

'How different might the fortunes of the war have proved had England been honestly neutral. Grant even that she had seized the Alabama and the Florida, what would this have signified if she had stopped Federal recruiting in Ireland, and insisted that her example should be loyally followed on the Continent? Had she taken stringent measures to prevent the emigration of recruits to the North, as she stopped the supply of a navy to the South, the Federal armies would have been weakened by more men than GRANT and SHERMAN now command, and thus the North would have lost that fatal, that unjust advantage by which the South has been crushed. Richmond has fallen before an army of foreign mercenaries. Lee has surrendered to an army of foreigners. With a horde of foreigners SHERMAN occupied Atlanta, took Savannah, ravaged Georgia, and traversed the Carolinas. By the aid of foreign mercenaries the South has been destroyed, and that aid the conquerors owe to the connivance of England. It is not often that a duty neglected, an opportunity thrown away, can be ever retrieved. It is not often that a great public wrong goes utterly unpunished. We are little disposed to import into politics the language of the pulpit, but we cannot forbear to remind our readers that nations as well as individuals are responsible for the use they make of the powers and opportunities entrusted to them, and history does not encourage us to hope that so grievous a dereliction of duty as that of which, on our part, the South has been the victim, will go eventually unpunished.'

ART. V.-Short Studies on Great Subjects; and History of England. By James Anthony Froude.

2. Works of William Ellery Channing, D. D.

3. Symbolism of Catholics and Protestants. By J. A. Möhler, D. D.

4. Journal, and Works of the Rev. John Wesley, M. A. Philadelphia. Vols. IÏI., IV.

We learn from the Epistle to the Romans, that St. Paul had no sooner declared his conclusion, that a ( man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law,' than the cavil was thrown back: 'Shall we, then, continue in sin that grace may abound?' From that day to this the enemies and maligners of the Gospel theology, on the one hand, and its perverters, on the other, have echoed the same deduction. On the one hand, the tendency to Antinomianism has adopted and justified it as a correct inference, sometimes openly, and more often covertly. In the Lutheran Church, Agricola, of Eisleben, a contemporary of Luther, and, among the English Puritans of the seventeenth century, Dr. Crisp, were charged with this monstrous error; the first with justice, the second, probably, unjustly. 'Since Christ has vicariously paid the whole legal debt due from sinners to God,' the Antinomian argues, and the title to acceptance and life, thus accruing, is bestowed on every believer through his faith alone, the precept has no further claim, either of penalty or obedience, upon us who believe. God cannot justly demand payment of the same obligation twice over. If Christ's work was vicarious, we who embrace it are free in every sense. Disobedience to the moral law cannot bring us into condemnation. Or, in other words, transgression ceases to be guilty when committed by the justified believer. There may be a certain seemliness in the grateful hearkening of the believer to the wishes of his divine benefactor. There may be motives drawn from secular order and temporal advantage in favor of a moral life, but the justified

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believer is under no obligation. If his faith is clear, no sin vitiates his title to heaven.' But it is seldom such speculations have been openly uttered in the history of Chistian doctrine. Luther and some other Protestants, in the heat of their zeal against Pharisaism, have, perhaps, uttered rhetorical assertions of the believer's emancipation from the penalty of the moral law, too bold to be safe when torn from their designed connection. It was not seldom the complaint of the best Protestant divines, in the Lutheran, the Reformed, and even the Moravian communions, that sluggish and lustful minds perverted their precious Gospel of free justification to excuse their idle or profligate living. But what truth peculiar to Revelation has not been wrested? We freely admit, that should a man whose soul is enslaved to his lusts, and wholly unenlightened by the purifying principles of the Gospel, be so unlucky as to adopt a false hope of heaven (on any scheme of doctrine), the result will be the emboldening of his evil desires. But this evil effect will be as sure upon a sacramentarian or a l'harisaic theory, in the case supposed, as upon ours; and such is the testimony of experience. There have always been a thousand licentious professors of the self-right eous schemes to one of the evangelical. In the latter class we have to enumerate those frequent and shocking instances where an unholy life is startlingly illustrated by the contrast of the gracious creed which is so loudly and so falsely professed. But in the former class are found the millions, who live in shameless sin under the altars of the Greek, Roman, and other ritualistic churches.

But the conclusion, that a free justification must encourage licentious living, is advanced by opposite parties. The Romish, the Socinian, and many worldly writers, argue thus: 'The consequence is unavoidable, and, therefore, the principle cannot be true. For God is a holy God, and Christ's was a holy mission. Therefore the Scriptures cannot have intended to teach so odious a doctrine. If men are told that no merit of a virtuous life can contribute one whit to their acceptance with God, and that, provided they are believers, no sin can jeopardise it, they must be indifferent to obedience. Yea; the

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