the South. To all who are really against sectionalism. I would say, what 'sectionalism so direful as that of Slavery? To all who profess to be against isms, I would say, what ism so wretched as the ism of Slavery? If you are in earnest, join the National party of Freedom.

Again, it is objected that the Republican party is against the Union, and we are reminded of the priceless blessings which come from this fountain. Here is another bugbear. With us the Union is not the object of mere lip service, but it is cherished in simple sincerity, as the aged Lear was loved by his only faithful daughter, "according to her bond, nor more nor less." Our party does nothing against the Union, but everything for it. It strives to guard those great principles which the Union was established to secure, and thus to keep it ever worthy of our love. It seeks to overthrow that baleful Oligarchy, under which the Union has been changed from a vessel of honor to a vessel of dishonor. In this patriot work it will persevere, regardless of menace from any quarter. Not that I love the Union less but Freedom more, do I now, in pleading this great cause, insist that Freedom, at all hazards, shall be preserved. God forbid, that for the sake of the Union, we should sacrifice the very things for which the Union was made.

And yet again, it is objected that ours is a party of a single idea. This is a phrase, and nothing more. The party may not recognize certain measures of public policy, deemed by some of special importance; but it does what is better, and what other parties fail to do. It acknowledges that beneficent principle, which, like the great central light, vivifies all, and without

which all is dark and sterile. The moving cause and the animating soul of our party, is the idea of Freedom. But this idea is manifold in character and influence. It is the idea of the Declaration of Independence. It is the great idea of the founders of the Republic. It is the idea which combined our Fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill; which carried Washington through a seven years' war; which inspired Lafayette; which touched with coals of fire the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea, which is at least noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train virtue, goodness and all the charities of life, all that makes earth a home of improvement and happi

ness -

"Her track, where'er the goddess roves,

Glory pursues, and generous shame,

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The unconquerable mind and Freedom's holy flame." Thus do all objections disappear, even as the mists of morning before the sun, rejoicing like a strong man to run his race. The Republican party stands vindicated in every particular. It only remains that I should press the question with which I begun — “Are you for Freedom, or are you for Slavery?" As it is right to be taught by the enemy, let us derive instruction from the Oligarchy we oppose. The three hundred and forty-seven thousand slave masters are always united. Hence their strength. Like arrows in a quiver, they cannot be broken. The friends of Freedom have thus far been divided. They, too, must be united. In the crisis before us, it becomes you all to forget ancient feuds, and those names which have been the signal of strife. There is no occasion to remember anything but our duties. When the fire-bell rings at midnight, we do

not ask if it be Whigs or Democrats, Protestants or Catholics, natives or foreigners, who join our efforts to extinguish the flames; nor do we ask any such question in selecting our leader then. Men of all parties, Whigs and Democrats, or however named, let me call upon you to come forward and join in a common cause. Do not hesitate. When Freedom is in danger, all who are not for her are against her. The penalty of indifference, in such a cause, is akin to the penalty of opposition; as is well pictured by the great Italian poet, when, among the saddest on the banks of Acheron rending the air with outcries of torment, shrieks of anger and smiting of hands he finds the troop of dreary souls who had been ciphers only in the great conflicts of life:

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Mingled with whom, of their disgrace the proof,

Are the vile angels, who did not rebel,

Nor kept their faith to God, but stood aloof."

Come forth, then, from the old organizations; let us range together. Come forth, all who have stood aloof from parties; here is an opportunity for action. You who place principles above men! come forward. All who feel in any way the wrong of Slavery, take your stand! Join us, ye lovers of Truth, of Justice, of Humanity! And let me call especially upon the young. You are the natural guardians of Liberty. In your firm resolves and generous souls she will find her surest protection. The young man who is not willing to serve in her cause to suffer, if need be, for hergives little promise of those qualities which secure an honorable age.

FELLOW-CITIZENS: We found now a new party.

Its corner-stone is Freedom. Its broad, all-sustaining arches are Truth, Justice, and Humanity. Like the ancient Roman Capitol, at once a Temple and a Citadel, it shall be the fit shrine for the genius of American Institutions.

ORIGINATION OF APPROPRIATION BILLS.

SPEECH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 7TH FEBRUARY, 1856, ON THE USURPATIONS OF THE SENATE IN THE ORIGINATION OF APPROPRIATION BILLS.

On motion by Mr. HUNTER, the Senate proceeded to consider the following resolution, reported by him on the 4th instant, from the Committee on Finance.

Resolved, That the Committee on Finance be instructed to prepare and report such of the general appropriation bills as they may deem expedient.

In the course of the debate that ensued, Mr. SUMNER spoke as follows:

MR. PRESIDENT: Whatever the Senator from New York [Mr. Seward] touches, he handles with a completeness which is apt to render any thing superfluous from one who follows on the same side; but the opposition which his views have encountered from the Senator from Virginia, [Mr. Hunter,] and also from the Senator from Georgia, [Mr. Toombs,] and also the intrinsic importance of the question, may justify an effort to state anew the argument.

We are carried first to the words of the Constitution, which are as follows: