resources at once a magazine and a granary - - the largest coal-field, and at the same time the largest corn-field, of the known globe-winding his way among churches and school-houses, among forests and gardens, by villages, towns, and cities, along the sea, along rivers and lakes, with a speed which may recali the gallop of the ghostly horseman in the ballad : "Fled past on right and left how fast Each forest, grove, and bower! Each city, town, and tower! "Tramp! tramp! along the land they speed, On the banks of the Mississippi he is now arrested. The proposed road in Iowa will bear the adventurer yet further, to the banks of the Missouri; and this distant giant stream, mightiest of the earth, leaping from its sources in the Rocky Mountains, will be clasped with the Atlantic in the same iron bracelet. In all this I see not only further opportunities for commerce, but a new extension to civilization and increased strength to our National Union. A heathen poet, while picturing the golden age, has perversely indicated the absence of long lines of road as creditable to that imaginary period in contrast with his own. "How well," exclaimed the youthful Tibullus, "they lived while Saturn ruled before the earth was opened by long ways:' "Quam bene Saturno vivebant rege, priusquam * Opera, Lib. i. Eleg. 3, v. 35. But the true Golden Age is before us, not behind us; and one of its tokens will be the completion of those long ways, by which villages, towns, counties, States, provinces, nations, are all to be associated and knit together in a fellowship that can never be broken. The debate on the Iowa Railroad Bill was continued on successive days down to 17th February, when the speech of Mr. Sumner was particularly assailed by Mr. Hunter, of Virginia. To this he replied at once: MR. SUMNER. One word, if you please, Mr. President. The Senator from Virginia [Mr. Hunter], who has just taken his seat, has very kindly given me notice that I am to expect a broadside from the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Underwood]. For this information I am properly grateful. When, a few days ago, I undertook to discuss an important question in this body, I expressed certain views, deemed by me of weight. Those views I submitted to the candor and to the judgment of the Senate. I felt confidence in their essential justice, and nothing which I have heard since has impaired that confidence. I have listened with respect and attention to the address to-day from the Senator from Virginia, as it becomes me to listen to everything any Senator undertakes to put forth here. But I hope to be excused if I say, that in all that he has so eloquently uttered with reference to myself, he has not touched by a hair-breadth my argument. He has criticized - I am unwilling to say that he has cavilled at - my calculations; but he has not, by the ninth part of a hair, touched the conclu sion which I drew. That still stands. And let me say, that it cannot be successfully assailed in the way attempted by him. I said that injustice had been done to the Land States, out of this body and in this body, out of this body, because I often heard them called "land stealers and land pirates;" in this body, by the Senator from Virginia, when he complained of the partial distribution of the public lands, and particularly pointed out the bill now before the Senate as an instance of this partiality. I said that this charge was without foundation. And why did I say so? and on what ground? Because there was an existing equity (I so called it- nothing more) on the part of the Land States as against the General Government. And on what was this founded? On a fact of record in the public acts of this country. That is, the exemption of the public domain from taxation by the States in which it is situated. The Senator from Virginia has not questioned this fact; of course he could not question it, for it is imbodied in the acts of Congress. - The next inquiry, then, was, as to the value of this immunity from taxation, which I called an equity on the part of the Land States. In order to illustrate this value, I went into calculations and estimates, which I presented, after some study of the subjectnot, perhaps, such study as the Senator from Virginia has found time to give to it, or such as the Senator from Kentucky, in the plenitude of his researches, doubtless has given to it. On those calculations and estimates I attributed a certain value to the equity in question. My calculations and estimates may be overstated; they may be exaggerated. The Senator from Virginia thinks them so. Other gentlemen with whom I have had the privilege of conversing, think them understated. But however this may be, it does not touch the argument. I may have done injustice to my argument by overstating them. I intended to understate them. I still think from all that I hear, that I have understated them. But, whether understated or overstated, the argument still stands, that these States have conceded to the General Government an immunity from taxation; that this immunity has a certain value-I think a very large value and that this value constitutes an equity to which the Land States have a right to appeal for bountiful, ay, for munificent treatment from the General Government. Has the Senator from Virginia answered this argument? Can he answer it? But I forbear to go into the subject at this time. I arose simply to state, that as the Senator from Virginia had kindly given me notice that I am to expect a broadside from the Senator from Kentucky, I am to regard what he said to-day, so far as I am concerned, simply as a signal gun. The Senator will pardon me if I say it is nothing more, for it has not reached me, or my argument. Meanwhile I await, with resignation and without anxiety, the broadside from Kentucky. The debate was continued for many days, during which the speech of Mr. Sumner was attacked and defended. Finally, on the 16th March, immediately before the question was taken, he again returned to the subject: Mr. SUMNER. this question. Much time has been consumed by At several periods the debate has seemed abou; to stop, and then again it has taken a new spring, while the goal has constantly receded. I know not if it is now near the end. But I hope that I shall not seem to interfere with its natural course, or unduly occupy the time of the Senate, if I venture again for one moment to take part in it. The argument which I submitted on a former occasion has not passed unregarded. And since it can owe little to my individual position, I accept the opposition it has encountered as a tribute to its intrinsic importance. It has been assailed by different Senators, on different days, and in different ways. It has been met by harmless pleasantry, and by equally harmless vituperation; by figures of rhetoric and figures of arithmetic; by minute criticism and extended discussion; also, by that sure resource of a weak cause, hard words and an imputation of personal motives. I do now propose to reply to all this array, least of all shall I retort the hard words or repel the personal imputations. On this head I content myself now with saying and confidently, too, that, had he known me better, the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Underwood], who is usually so moderate and careful, would have hesitated long before uttering expressions which fell from him in this debate. The position I took was regarded as natural, or excusable in a Senator from one of the Land States, acting under the vulgar spur of local interest; but it was pronounced unnatural and inexcusable in a Senator from Massachusetts. Now, sir, it is sufficient for me to say, in reply to this suggestion, that, while I know there are influences and biases incident to particular States or sections of the Union, I recognize no differ |