uniform militia which it was the object of the early Act of Congress to organize. It may appear to be a part of this systemit may affect to be, but I submit, it is a mistake to suppose that it is so in any just constitutional sense.

As a local system, disconnected from the national militia, and not in any way constrained by its organizafion, it is within our jurisdiction. We are free to declare the principles which shall govern it. We may declare that, whatever may be the existing law of the United States with regard to its enrolled militia and with this I propose no interference, because it would be futile I say, Massachusetts may proudly declare that in her own volunteer military companies, marshalled under her own local laws, there shall be no distinction of color or race.

THE REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM AND ITS

PROPER BASIS.

SPEECH ON THE PROPOSITION TO AMEND THE BASIS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS, IN THE CONVENTION TO` REVISE AND AMEND THE CONSTITUTION OF THAT STATE, 7TH JULY, 1853.

Mr. President, if the question under consideration. were less important in its bearings, or less embarrassed by conflicting opinions, I should hesitate to break the silence which I have been inclined to

preserve in this Convention. In taking the seat to which, while absent from the Commonwealth, in another sphere of duty, I have been unexpectedly chosen, I felt that it would be becoming in meand that my associates here would recognize the propriety of my course considering the little opportunities I had of late enjoyed to make myself acquainted with the sentiments of the people on proposed changes, especially in comparison with friends to whom this movement is mainly due on these accounts, and, also, on other accounts, I felt that it would be becoming in me to interfere as little as possible with these debates. To others, I have willingly left the part which I might have taken.

And now, when I think that since our labors began, weeks, even months, have passed, and that the term has been already reached, when, according to the just

expectations and earnest desires of many, they should be closed, I feel that acts rather than words that votes rather than speeches at least such as I might hope to make are needed here, to the end that the Convention, seasonably, and effectively completing its beneficent work, may itself be hailed as a Great Act in the history of the Commonwealth.

But the magnitude of this question justifies debate: and allow me to add that the State, our common mother, may feel proud of the ability, the eloquence, and the good temper with which it has thus far been conducted. Gentlemen have addressed the Convention in a manner which would grace any assembly, which it has been my fortune to know, at home or abroad. Sir, the character of these proceedings gives us new assurance for the future. The alarmist, who starts at every suggestion of change, and the croaker, who augurs constant evil from the irresistible tendency of events, must confess, that there are men here, to whose intelligence and patriotism, under God, the interests of our beloved Commonwealth may be entrusted. Yes, sir, Massachusetts is safe. Whatever may be the result even of the present important question—whichsoever scheme of representation may be adoptedMassachusetts will continue to prosper as in times past.

In the course of human history, two States, small in territory, have won enviable renown by their genius and devotion to Freedom, so that their very names awaken echoes; I refer to Athens and Scotland. But Athens even at Salamis, repelling the Persian host, or afterwards, in the golden days of Pericles and Scotland, throughout her long struggles with England,

down to the very act of Union at the beginning of the last century—were inferior, each of them, in population and in wealth, to Massachusetts at this moment. It belongs to us, according to our capacities, to see that this comparison does not end here. Others may believe that our duty will be best accomplished by standing still. I believe that it can be completely done only by a constant incessant advance in all things in knowledge, in science, in art, and lastly in government itself, destined to be the bright consummation, on carth, of all knowledge, all science, and all

art.

And now, sir, in framing anew our Constitution, we encounter a difficulty which at its original formation in 1780, perplexed our fathers- which perplexed the Convention of 1820 — which with its perplexities has haunted successive Legislatures and the whole people down to this day and which now perplexes us. This difficulty occurs in determining the Representative System, and it arises mainly from the corporate claims of towns. From an early period, the towns in the State, both great and small, with slight exceptions, have sent one or more representatives to the Legislature. In primitive days, when the towns were few and the whole population was scanty, this arrangement was convenient at least, if not equitable. But now, with the increased number of towns, and the unequal distribution of a large population, it has become inconvenient, if not inequitable. The existing system does not work well, and we are summoned to reform

it.

And here, sir, let me congratulate the Convention that, on this most important question, transcending

every other, all of us, without distinction of party, are in favor of reform. We are all Reformers. The existing system finds no advocate on this floor. Nobody here will do it reverence. If the call of the Convention were not already amply vindicated if there were doubt anywhere of its expediency, the remarkable concurrence of all sides in condemning the existing representative system shows that we have not come together without cause.

The orders of the day have been filled with the various plans offered to meet the exigency. Most of these aimed to preserve the corporate representation of towns; some of them, at least one from the venerable gentleman from Taunton [Mr. Morton], and another from the venerable gentleman from Boston [Mr. Hale], adopted an opposite system, hitherto untried among us, and proposed to divide the State into districts. And the question has been between these hostile propositions; and that is the question which I propose to consider, in the light of history and abstract principle, and, also, with reference to present exigencies. I shall speak first of the origin and nature of the Representative System and its proper conditions under American institutions. And secondly, I shall endeavor to indicate the principles which may conduct us to a practical conclusion on the present occasion. In entering upon this service, at this late stage of the debate, I feel like a tardy gleaner in a well-traversed field; but I shall proceed.

I. And I begin with the origin and nature of the Representative System. This is an invention of modern times. In antiquity there were republics and democracies; but there was no Representative System.